18
Andrew Pettegree
The printed book has always been—and no doubt always will be—a cornerstone of research on the Reformation. This is true in more than the obvious sense that sixteenth-century books provide one of the most important windows into the religious changes of the period. Books also represent a cornerstone for understanding the early modern period. For those brought up with an essentially progress-oriented view of the Renaissance, the printing press is firmly established as one of the critical technologies that justify the sense of fundamental change. Print was an essential component of the surge toward modernity. This view, most eloquently articulated for the English-speaking world in the work of Elizabeth Eisenstein, in fact underpins most of the general studies of the origins and growth of printing.1 Print was (and still to a large extent is) seen as a crucial stage in the process of intellectual enlightenment and political empowerment.
Printing is also widely seen as having a particular affinity with the new movements of evangelical change. Certainly Martin Luther himself promoted the power of the book as energetically as he seized on the new medium to promote his own theological agenda. For Luther, print was a gift of a beneficent God, a view shared and repeatedly articulated by other Protestant preachers and spokesmen. In Luther’s words, printing was God’s highest and most extreme act of grace, whereby the business of the gospel is driven forward. For John Foxe, author of the famous martyrology, it was printing that made the Reformation possible: “The Lord began to work for his church not with sword and target to subdue his exalted adversary, but with printing, writing and reading…so that either the pope must abolish knowledge and printing or printing must at length root him out.”2 This sense of the power of print had also the beneficent result that from the first years of the Reformation, Protestant books were systematically preserved and collected—even the sort of short ephemeral pamphlets, or single-sheet broadsheets, that might otherwise have been expected to have been destroyed were carefully gathered up. Thus books are not only an indispensable window on the culture of the Reformation—they are also a sturdy and dependable source. Rates of survival are generally good, and especially so for Protestant books.
That said, it is as well to understand the limitations of available knowledge of this crucial communication medium. Much less work has been done on what one might call the contextual history of Reformation print—the place of the book in the broader information culture of the period. Nor has there been the same interest shown in the way in which the book industry functioned commercially, either in specialized local markets for vernacular print, or in a persuasive explanation of the pan-European market in Latin works. Study of the place of print and print culture in the Reformation has, as with much else, started with Martin Luther and his transformation of theological writing in the 1520s; how long this can stand as a metaphor for the wider impact of print has not yet been fully explored.
In the first decade of the Reformation, the impact of the book was both profound and to many contemporaries deeply shocking. Early critics within the church were first scandalized and then alarmed by Luther’s blatant courting of a broad public through printed tracts and sermons. Contemporaries were well aware that in harnessing the previously rather formal, stolid world of the book to serve these ends, Evangelical critics of the Catholic Church had achieved something fundamentally new. A new form of book, the Flugschriften, short pamphlets in quarto format, came rapidly to dominate the output of German print shops. Demand for books expanded very rapidly after 1517, as religious debate engaged the interest of a new, largely nonclerical audience. An exceptionally high proportion of these books addressed the new controversies, and in Luther, a writer of genius and extraordinary facility, Germany’s publishers had found their ideal partner. Luther could write with phenomenal speed and quickly developed an extraordinary range, from the homiletic sermon, through excoriating satire, to careful, systematic exposition of complex theological issues.
The impact of the book in these years has been extensively explored in a range of bibliographic and analytic studies reaching back to Josef Benzing’s milestone bibliography of Luther’s works, published in 1966.3 The wider context of Luther’s writing has also been explored with the fundamental work of the Tübingen Flugschriften project, which over a space of years collected and quantified a vast mass of the writings published by Luther and others sympathetic to the Reformation.4 Mark Edwards draws heavily on this material for his Printing, Propaganda and Martin Luther, a fine and perceptive survey of the impact of Reformation literature.5 Further statistical analysis is provided in articles by Richard Crofts and by the work of Miriam Usher Chrisman on Strasburg.6 Meanwhile, the late Robert Scribner offered in his highly influential monograph, For the Sake of Simple Folk, a vision of how the Reformation message might resonate with a larger, mostly nonliterate public.7 For the repertoire of illustrated books and broadsheets that figure largely in this project, he was able to draw both on his own research and on a four-volume collection dedicated to The German Single Leaf Woodcut, a publication that both brought a new appreciation for the exquisite quality of much German woodcut art, and helped fix the association of the reform movement with exploitation of the visual media.8 From this range of studies, and sense of the vibrancy of the book in the service of the German Reformation, has developed a dominant view of the role that the printed media played in the process of Reformation. This model, what one might call the German paradigm, consists of several elements. First, and most importantly, it has engendered a clear sense of the Evangelical dominance of print. It is also understood that the Reformation achieved its impact partly through the rapid spread of print to multiple printing centers, as popular texts were spread by local reprints. This was accentuated by the difficulty authorities faced in controlling the spread of dissident ideas, especially in Germany. Lastly, historians view the Reformation as a critical phase in the victory of the vernacular over Latin in European intellectual culture and affirm the importance of illustration in spreading the Reformation message to those who could not read for themselves.
It is important to recognize for what follows the extent to which this paradigm has been developed essentially from the German model of the first evangelical generation and how little it has been tested against the experience of other European cultures where the Reformation enjoyed more halting progress, where the medium of print was often used effectively by the defenders of the old order, or where the Reformation sometimes succeeded before the development of an indigenous print culture.9 The fact is that the German paradigm has been allowed to stand as normative partly because historians have lacked the basic data for other national cultures to subject it to systematic, skeptical analysis. There was, until recently, no equivalent to the Tübingen Flugschriften project for other parts of Europe. This deficiency is now being addressed, not least through the general ongoing transformation of the resource base through major national bibliographic projects and the availability of major online resources (not least library catalogs). These make possible not only a new generation of analytic studies, sketched below, but also a more general refinement of an understanding of the relationship between the book and the Reformation. This can be characterized in three main developments: a more complete sense of how the Reformation served (or failed) Protestantism outside Germany, a developing understanding of how the book was also successfully exploited by the defenders of traditional religion, and an understanding that the overwhelming domination of print by Evangelicals suggested by a knowledge of Germany in the 1520s does not mean that this situation was typical over the whole Reformation century and in all countries.
Given that so much attention has been given to the power of the printed word, it is perhaps surprising that a knowledge of the global world of sixteenth-century print has rested on such insecure foundations. Many studies have focused on the origins of print and the great innovative publishers of the first generations, but attempts to map the expanding world of print (such as that attempted by Febvre and Martin for their seminal text, The Coming of the Book) have rested on remarkably shaky statistical foundations.10 In the 1960s an attempt was made to address this deficiency with the Index Aureliensis, a project that was to publish a list of all books published in the century, organized by author.11 Progress with this massive enterprise was inevitably slow, and even now the project has progressed only as far as volume 15, on the letter D. The repertoire of information was based, particularly in the earliest volumes, on the largest collections (such as London and Paris) for which printed catalogs already existed; the project has now in large measure been overwhelmed and superseded by the vast quantity of data available through online catalogs, and it cannot be expected ever to be concluded.
The insufficiency of the global bibliographic data has to some extent been disguised for students of the English Reformation by the exceptionally high quality of bibliographic resources for English-language printing. For almost one hundred years now, students of the book in England have disposed of a complete listing of books published in England and in English abroad in Pollard and Redgrave’s Short Title Catalogue (STC), a model for all subsequent ventures of this type.12 We owe this good fortune to particular circumstances, not least the fact that the English book world was in absolute terms relatively small and heavily concentrated in one well-regulated center of production (London)—this was not the normative case for other European language zones. The accident of collecting, with especially rich concentrations of books in only three centers—Oxford, Cambridge, and London—also assisted Pollard and Redgrave in their labors. Books in collections further afield, particularly in the United States, were then incorporated into a second edition, completed under the direction of Kathleen Pantzer at Harvard and Paul Newman in Oxford and published in three volumes between 1976 and 1991, a work that also incorporated the fruits of much specialist bibliographic work accomplished in the intervening half century. This resource has been further developed with the production of the whole STC on microfilm, a boon for those working at a distance from any but the largest research libraries. The onward march of technology has produced, in recent years, an online searchable version of the STC. The OSTC (Online Short Title Catalog) can be searched by STC number, title, author, or printer. In many research university libraries, it is also cross-referenced to EEBO (Early English Books Online). There are two different editions of EEBO currently available. The first-generation EEBO allows one to search in the exact same manner as in the OSTC and then download the desired item as a PDF file. The PDF is not searchable and is picture based, rather than text based. The second generation of EEBO is the result of the EEBO Text Creation Partnership (TCP). The partnership is transcribing all the works in EEBO. Currently, approximately ten thousand works have been transcribed, with the other fifteen thousand still to come. The EEBO TCP is currently available only on the campuses that are participating in the work of transcription. However, one can now search entire texts for exact phrases, use Boolean searching, and so on.13
New books unknown to the compilers of the STC continue to surface, such as a broadsheet summary of the essentials of the Protestant faith discovered in the binding of a book purchased by the Scheide Library in Princeton and two French-language London imprints recently discovered in Halle.14 But in the main, students of the English Reformation are quite exceptionally well served by this fundamental resource base.
The situation is very different for France, where a truly comprehensive listing of sixteenth-century publications is still lacking. This situation reflects both the greater complexity of the task and the very different tradition of French bibliographic research. France was, from the beginning, one of the largest centers of European book production, based largely in the precocious book metropolis of Paris, with Lyon as a second major center of production. During the course of the sixteenth century, book publication also became established in over one hundred provincial towns. Patterns of collecting have also been very different. While most students of sixteenth-century French culture rely mostly on the great collections in Paris, the confiscations of the property of the religious houses during the French Revolution also brought enormous numbers of books into the possession of the French Bibliothèques Municipales—where they remain to this day. The enormous task of charting the history of Paris printing was undertaken by two great bibliographers, Brigitte Moreau and Philippe Renouard. Neither completed their work. Moreau, working on a chronological survey of Paris printing in the post-incunabula age, had, at the time of her death, reached only 1535, when the history of the French book was only beginning to be transformed by contemporary events.15 Renouard adopted a different approach, embarking on a printer-by-printer survey of each publishing house. Published volumes cover only printers whose names begin with the first two letters of the alphabet, although Renouard’s card fiche catalogs, deposited in the Réserve of the Bibliothèque Nationale, are made available to researchers on a generous basis.16 Lyon print was surveyed at the beginning of the century in twelve volumes, again arranged by printer, by H.-L. and J. Baudrier.17 The Baudriers based their studies on their own substantial private collection of local imprints and on the holdings of the libraries of Lyon, Aix, and Grenoble; an attempt to rework and complete this work, this time on a chronological basis, is ongoing.18 The work of the Baudriers inaugurated a tradition of local bibliographic scholarship continued in the Répertoire Bibliographique du livre du seizième siècle, a town-by-town listing of all the books published in each locality, consigned to the responsibility of a local specialist.19 The volumes are of varying quality, many based only on inspections of local collections, collated with the major collections in Paris; all inevitably miss dispersed items located in other parts of France or in libraries abroad. The lack of a global survey of French vernacular print, so essential to a real understanding of the impact of the Reformation, is presently being addressed by the St. Andrews French Vernacular Book Project (first volumes published in fall 2007).20 The St. Andrews team will then continue their work to document the production of Latin literature in France. This will be published as a separate annex to the French Vernacular Book Project in 2011.
For Germany the listing and analysis of the pamphlet literature of the Reformation proceeded largely in advance of systematic bibliographic research. As was the case with French-language publication in France, German-language publication suffered from the problem of fragmentation, with no single dominant center of production. In the case of Germany, this problem was exacerbated by the dispersal and destruction of major collections of printed books during the wars of the twentieth century. The twentieth-century division of Germany, with many of the largest libraries located in the Communist German Democrat Republic, also posed a major obstacle to a systematic study of all books published in the German-speaking lands. In the 1980s, an attempt was made to address this deficiency with the Verzeichnis der im deutschen Sprachbereich erschienenen Drucke des XVI. Jahrhunderts, normally abbreviated as VD16, a global survey of all sixteenth-century German print. This project based its published volumes on the two largest collections then available to book specialists, at Munich and Wolfenbüttel, and since its completion in 2000 has been an indispensable research tool. Inevitably the use of only two main libraries, however vast, resulted in the omission of large numbers of editions, a problem exacerbated by the decision, now somewhat perplexing, to omit all single-sheet publication (e.g., broadsheets). The VD16 is now available as an online resource that incorporates many thousands of new items unearthed in other libraries; all told it now offers data on some one hundred thousand bibliographically distinct items.21
The holdings of the foundation collections of the VD16, Munich and Wolfenbüttel, are also now included in the online Handpress Book Database, a major resource created by CERL (Consortium of European Research Libraries), available to all users of subscribing libraries. The Handpress Book Database is composed of data offered by particulating libraries, mostly members of CERL. This offers the obvious advantage of being able to search many different databases at a single time, but also results in numerous duplications that must be carefully examined. The database is really a conglomeration of databases and therefore cannot determine that two “items” are actually the same publication and that catalogers entered them differently.22
The religious controversies raised by Luther made an immediate impact in the Netherlands, stimulating a wave of local Dutch publications of his works and an immediate hostile response from church authorities. The bibliographic footprint of these conflicts, and the great outpouring of print that accompanied the later events of the Dutch Revolt, may now be followed in three major works. The three volumes of the Nederlandsche Bibliographie of Kronenberg and Nijhoff (NK) document the publication of books in the Low Countries until 1540, encompassing the great outpouring of religious print of the first generation after Luther.23 This work can be supplemented from the catalog of the great Knuttel collection of pamphlets in the Royal Library, The Hague, now also available in its entirety on microfilm.24 But it is only recently that the work of NK has been continued through to the end of the century, in two separate projects, one, the Belgica Typographica, dealing with books published in present-day Belgium, the other, the Typographia Batava, covering books published in the present-day Netherlands.25 Leaving aside the complications that arise from a division based on modern national boundaries that have no basis in sixteenth-century reality, both projects are in their own way problematic. The Belgica Typographica is a three-volume work, the first registering the holdings of the Royal Library in Brussels, with the holdings of other Belgian libraries covered in two further volumes. Books published in the southern Netherlands that survive in libraries elsewhere are not surveyed. The Typographia Batava has cast its net wider to identify books published in the northern Netherlands (a much smaller number), but it is essentially the work of a single bibliographer, Paul Valkema Blouw, and reflects his own specific interests. Thus, while a huge amount of scholarly work is embedded in the project, particularly in the identification of printers responsible for works published anonymously, the Typographia Batava lacks information normally regarded as standard in a work of this sort (such as formats). Students of the religious book culture of the Netherlands are badly in need of an initiative that would consolidate and harmonize this diverse bibliographic material.
For Italy, there is a national bibliographic project known as Edit 16, which began as a hard copy publication but has now raced ahead as an online resource.26 Edit 16 comprises over sixty thousand records, provided by a huge number of participating libraries. This breadth of coverage is both a great virtue of the project and a practical necessity, because, rather like in France, the cultural heritage of Italy is spread around a very large number of libraries. Edit 16 is also notable for the quality of its editorial work. It is the only major sixteenth-century bibliographic project to make use of fingerprinting, a technique for providing a unique identifying signature for a book devised in the British rare book librarianship community but now largely abandoned there.27 Non-Italian titles in Italian libraries can also be investigated through the ICCU, another substantial online resource.28
For Spain, the nearest equivalent to the Short Title Catalogue is the Catálogo colectivo del patrimonio bibliográfico espagñol.29 This does not of course take into account the large number of Spanish titles that may survive exclusively in libraries outside Spain; the task of integrating this material has now been undertaken by a major new bibliographic project to be managed by Dr. Alexander Wilkinson at University College, Dublin.
These six major markets—France, Germany, Italy, Spain, the Netherlands, and England—were responsible, together with the international market in Latin publishing, for over 95 percent of all books published in the sixteenth century. Outlying markets, such as Scandinavia, Poland, and Scotland, were small and have been the subject of mostly local investigations. The current and recently published bibliographic projects surveyed above present the possibility of a much more complete and integrated understanding of the European book world, along the lines of what is already available for the fifteenth century (albeit with much smaller global numbers) with the ISTC (the British Library’s Incunabula Short Title Catalog).30 However, pan-European bibliographic analysis will be possible only if different national bibliographic resources are brought together and made mutually searchable. This is the purpose of a new project begun at the University of St. Andrews in 2007, aimed at creating a composite resource, the Universal Short Title Catalogue (USTC). This will develop technology to permit the searching of all the major national bibliographic catalogs through a shared interface. For the first time, information on all books published in the sixteenth century throughout Europe will be available in one place. The USTC will also make provision to attach full-text digital copies to allow major research collections to be accessed remotely. Historians of the Reformation already have many reasons to be grateful for commercial publishers of major microfilm and fiche series, such as the Dutch company IDC, which has made available a large number of sixteenth-century books in thematically organized collections.31 The tendency of libraries to catalog individual items without distinguishing sufficiently clearly from sixteenth-century originals presents a hazard for bibliography; for scholars, however, the multiplication of available texts is an enormous boon. Irritatingly, one must also note that many libraries do not catalog items within a specific IDC fiche collection separately, and so one should search not only by the title of the work being sought, but also by the IDC collection’s title. This is especially true in the United States and should be noted when searching on WorldCat (http://www.worldcat.org). Despite these cataloging pitfalls, the enormous progress made in recent years in creating more complete bibliographic resources has helped to stimulate a new wave of scholarship on the Reformation and the book, though, as described later, this scholarship has advanced more rapidly in some areas than in others.
In Germany scholars of the Reformation have long been in possession of an unrivaled range of high-quality resources, from complete editions of the works of Luther in both German and English to a huge range of German Reformation Flugschriften in the published microfiche version of the Tübingen project.32 The groundbreaking bibliographic work of Benzing has been enhanced by the patient surveys of dispersed collections of German Reformation pamphlets by the British bibliographer Michael Pegg.33 Given the quality of these resources and the very high rate of survival of Luther’s works, it is all the more astonishing that there has been so little work on the print industry of Wittenberg, a subject that still awaits systematic study. Specialist monographs (based on exhibition catalogs) have now been devoted to illustrated title-page design in Wittenberg and to the Luther Bible.34 There is also a fine reproduction edition of the early catalog of Wittenberg University Library.35 Strasbourg, the second city of Protestant publishing in the empire, has fared better, thanks largely to Miriam Usher Chrisman’s pioneering study of Strasbourg imprints and subsequent monograph treatment of the same subject.36 But there is no comparative study of Nuremberg, Augsburg, or Protestant print in the Low German language zone of northern Germany. The role of music in the dissemination of the Reformation is explored in two important monographs by Rebecca Wagner Oettinger and Alexander Fisher.37 This apart, much of the most original and groundbreaking work has been devoted to the previously ignored subject of Luther’s Catholic opponents, who, while undoubtedly cautious of the implications of public debate, did engage the polemical debate with a vigor not always recognized. To the work of David Bagchi on Luther’s Catholic opponents must now be added important monographs by Frank Aurich and Christoph Volkmar.38 The importance of print to traditional religion, before but also during the Reformation, is the subject of work on a published sermon epitome by Anne Thayer.39 Attention has also turned to the provision of published literature for the Lutheran peoples of Europe in the second half of the sixteenth century. Pending the publication of an important monograph study of the pamphlet literature of the Magdeburg resistance movement to Charles V,40 much of this work is embedded in major ongoing collaborative research projects, such as the Database Sources Confessionalization, 1548–1577/80, of the University of Mainz.41 The radical Reformation is also well represented in bibliographic projects, not least in the series Bibliotheca Dissidentium.42
In the Swiss Confederation, Zurich strangely never developed a print culture commensurate with the towering status of its two major Reformers, Ulrich Zwingli and Heinrich Bullinger. Bullinger’s influence was felt largely through his correspondence, but also in his printed works, the subject of a fine and painstaking bibliography by Staedtke. These works formed the mainstay of the published editions of Zurich’s preeminent (and for much of the time, only) publishing house, Froschover’s, analyzed in a recent article by Urs Lau.43 There is also a serviceable bibliography of Zurich publications.44 Urs Lau has also recently published a painstaking reconstruction of Bullinger’s private library. That Zurich publishing did not develop beyond these limits may partly be attributed to the established position of Basle in the international publishing world, a subject that badly requires a modern study.45
In the Francophone world, one should first of all treat the particular case of Geneva. Geneva has always been especially well served by its bibliographers, who have charted the blossoming from exceptionally modest beginnings of one of Europe’s major publishing centers, fueled by the international popularity of the works of John Calvin and of the French Protestant Bible. The bibliography of Genevan print published by Chaix, Dufour, and Moekli is now being replaced by the work of Jean-François Gilmont, already responsible for the fine bibliography of the works of Jean Calvin, published in three volumes between 1991 and 2000.46 Gilmont has currently accumulated information on over four thousand Genevan imprints, in French and Latin. This work will also substantially replace Gardy’s venerable bibliography of Theodore de Bèze, at least for works published in Geneva; for Bèze, the St. Andrews French Vernacular Book Project has also contributed a large number of previously unknown editions published in France at the beginning of the French Wars of Religion.47 This fundamental bibliographic work is the basis of a body of interpretative scholarship, including Gilmont’s own Calvin et le livre imprimé and an important collection of essays.48 The economics of the Genevan book industry are considered in two older monographs and in the more recent work of Ingeborg Jostock.49
Looking beyond Geneva, knowledge of French Protestant printing has been transformed, particularly for the early decades of the sixteenth century, by the work of Francis Higman. His discoveries of previously unknown French translations of Luther’s works are set out in a series of essays now available in a collected volume, Lire et découvrir.50 For French Bibles, the standard work remains Bettye Chambers’s Bibliography of French Bibles, reinforced by a specialist study of the maps and diagrams developed for these iconic publications.51 There is also an ongoing project to establish a parallel bibliography of the French Protestant Psalter, perhaps the archetypal book of militant French Protestantism. For the period of the religious wars, earlier bibliographic studies of printing at La Rochelle and Orléans can be supplemented by new work on the Orléans press of Eloy Gibier by Jean-François Gilmont, and on Protestant printing in Caen and Lyon by Andrew Pettegree.52 Important French Protestant authors such as Simon Goulart, Philippe du Plessis Mornay, Jean de l’Espine, and Antoine de La Roche Chandieu are also the subject of recent and ongoing studies.
In France, Protestant domination of the printing press was never uncontested, yet the skill with which Catholic authors exploited the press has been slow to be recognized. An older tradition of scholarship, in which the robust polemical style of these Catholic authors was widely deprecated, is represented by Frank Giese’s study of Artus Désiré, who was in fact a subtle and effective defender of traditional values.53 A more sensitive evaluation of the skill shown by Catholic authors (often doctors of the Sorbonne, writing away from their natural medium of Latin) is provided in recent monograph studies by Christopher Elwood and Luc Racaut.54
In the Netherlands, the standard work on Luther remains Vischer’s Luthers geschriften in de Nederlanden, sadly never translated into English. More recent discoveries of German Protestant influences are explored by Andrew Johnston. Early Dutch Bibles have also been the subject of systematic study.55 The emergence of Calvinism in the Netherlands is charted in the bibliographic investigations of Willem Heijting (on catechisms and confessions of faith) and Andrew Pettegree (on the exile printing center Emden, the northern Geneva).56 But the most fundamental work is that of Paul Valkema Blouw, who succeeded, in a series of intricate bibliographic case studies pursued in parallel with his work on the Typographia Batavae, in establishing the corpus of works published by a series of largely obscure or even wholly unknown printers. These men often published in conditions of great secrecy in relatively obscure corners of the Netherlands away from the main centers of population—their rediscovery represents bibliographic detective work at its most masterly. These articles, translated by Alastair Hamilton, are mostly to be found in the Dutch bibliographic journal Quaerendo. Hamilton has made his own significant contribution to the field through editions of the major works of Dutch dissident thinkers such as Hendrik Nikaes.57 In this way, the enduring Anabaptist strand of Dutch dissent has not been neglected. For the period of the Dutch Revolt, considerable attention has also been devoted to satirical prints and woodcuts that spread like a virus through the cities of Flanders and Holland, pouring scorn and opprobrium on the Spanish ruling power. Here are found both valuable collections of the prints (often in exhibition catalogs) and the beginnings of analytic work, represented most accessibly in recent articles published by Alastair Duke.
In Scandinavia, the introduction of a state-sponsored Lutheran Reformation did not stimulate a robust vernacular print culture. The limited output of the Danish and Scandinavian presses is reviewed by Anne Rijsing and Remi Kick in the articles in the accessible and valuable collection The Reformation and the Book.58 Scotland was another place where a successful Protestant Reformation largely preceded the establishment of an indigenous publishing industry. Even in the later stages of the century, a close, largely dependent relationship with printers in London and continental Europe could not entirely be avoided. In the case of Italy, the cause of Evangelical reform inevitably became tangled with the larger conflicts over authority in the Roman church and the debate, conducted at the highest levels of the hierarchy, over how the Catholic Church should respond theologically to the challenge of the Reformation. Interest in the Evangelical doctrines found its echo in a tentative attempt to make the works of the northern Reformers known through vernacular Italian editions. These works were published under the auspices, sometimes even disguised as their work, of the group of reform-minded writers and churchmen known as the spirituali. These rare and interesting editions are surveyed in the article contributed by Ugo Rozzo and Silvana Seidel Menchi to Jean-François Gilmont’s collection The Reformation and the Book.59
Charting the difficult and dangerous work of bringing the Evangelical gospel to Spain was the life work of Gordon Kinder, pursued through a series of bibliographic and biographical studies of the major figures of Spanish Evangelism.60 In truth, the perils of the enterprise were such that Evangelical publishing made only a limited impact on the Iberian Peninsula. Despite the difficult working conditions, many print workers from northern lands (particularly France) still sought to make a living in Spain, where their skills were much in demand. Some inevitably ran afoul of the authorities. The meticulous files kept by the Inquisition reveal a great deal about print shop practice and about the itinerant lifestyle of print shop workers.61 Most Spanish dissidents made their most substantial contribution to the Evangelical movement while abroad, in the cities of the Swiss Confederation, in the Netherlands, or in England.62
The role of print in the English Reformation had not been a leading feature of the debates that have consumed scholars since the concept of the rapid and largely painless triumph of Protestantism was first subjected to sustained criticism some thirty years ago. In this context, the descent into the archives stimulated by the attempt to chart the slow progress of Protestant penetration in English county communities led to a different type of monograph study. It is possible too that the early success of the Short Title Catalogue in establishing the corpus of English print has meant that the absence of a sense of fundamental discovery had led to a comparative lack of interest in the role of English print. This relative neglect may now be in the process of being corrected. The dependence of English Protestantism on continental imports in the first generation of reform had been remarked, as had the extraordinary transformation of the London printing industry under Edward VI, though this still awaits systematic study. The recognition of the importance of the publications of the Marian exiles in keeping the Protestant faith alive has not been matched by a similarly systematic exploration of Catholic printing in England during the same years. The raw materials for such a study certainly exist, not just in the ESTC and EEBO but also in the numerous individual printer biographies embedded in the new Dictionary of National Biography63 and in the systematic mapping of book collecting in the successive volumes of the English Renaissance Libraries series.
In bibliographic terms, the second half of the sixteenth century has fared rather better. The debate over the English Reformation concentrated attention on the reign of Elizabeth, when historians now believe Protestantism established a real resonance with a substantial mass of the population. The role of the printed book in this process has received a substantial amount of attention, not least in Ian Green’s monumental (and ongoing) three-volume study of English Protestant book culture.64 The role of cheap print in disseminating the principles of Protestantism among the broader population is one subject of a monograph by Tessa Watt; Adam Fox has offered a sensitive exploration of the interface between print, manuscript, and oral culture.65 At the other end of the theological spectrum, the influence of Calvin’s writings in England (and in English) is analyzed in articles by Francis Higman and Andrew Pettegree; full details of the editions can be found in Jean-François Gilmont’s exhaustive bibliography.66 The impact of different continental authors on English readership can also be gauged in the inventories of books compiled from Cambridge inventories by Elizabeth Leedham-Green.67
The organization of the London print industry can be followed in the eighty individual contributions contained in the two relevant volumes of the Cambridge History of the Book in Britain.68 One of the editors of this project, David McKitterick, has also charted the uncertain fortunes of academic publishing in England in his history of the Cambridge University Press.69 Other specialist aspects of the book trade in England are studied in Krummel’s monograph on music printing and in various articles on the publication history of Foxe’s book of martyrs scattered through the serial volumes of essays sponsored by the British Academy John Foxe project.70 Finally, the early halting beginnings of the book in Colonial America are the subject of a fine volume edited by Hugh Amory and David D. Hall, the first volume of the Cambridge History of the Book in America.71
For the Reformation, the book was always a potent instrument; for that reason the dissemination of the word in print was never without strict controls. For the most part—and this is a point that needs emphasis—these controls were developed and maintained by the industry itself. The publication of almost any book in the sixteenth century involved an element of financial risk (to this the early publications of Luther in the 1520s were almost certainly a shining exception, which is why they were so popular with printers). So the publisher of religious works, whether these were a lucrative catechism or a stately Latin biblical commentary, required a guarantee that their market would not be spoiled by an opportunist competitor. For this reason, all of Europe’s book markets developed systems of privilege to protect the interests of publishers—in the established book markets, these systems were generally in place before the Reformation.72
The competition of ideas with the dawn of Protestantism brought a new edge to this desire to control markets, where not only economic rivals, but also dissident theologies were seen to threaten social harmony. In Germany, the very dispersed nature of political power made the circulation of books especially hard to control; elsewhere, the governing powers could build naturally on existing mechanisms of control to impose strict censorship. The pioneer in this regard was the regime of Charles V in the Netherlands, but France soon followed suit, and soon an Index of Prohibited Books was a standard feature of all European Catholic cultures.73 Protestant regimes also developed systems of regulation to ensure that only works in harmony with the prevailing local confession could be published. This prior inspection of texts was especially firmly enforced in Geneva.74 In England, the establishment of the Stationers’ Company brought together the twin goals of industry regulation and intellectual control. The records generated by these two forms of regulation—prior control and prohibition of books already on the market—in fact form a valuable source of information for books that may have existed but now appear to be lost.75 Other sources of information on such lost books are the early encyclopedic bibliographic projects of Antoine du Verdier or Du Croix du Maine, and the early booksellers’ catalogs, such as those produced for the Frankfurt Fair.76 It is, for historians, one of the great scholarly conundrums to come to a realistic estimate of how large a proportion of the books published in the Reformation era may now be totally lost. The best approach may be to postulate highly differentiated rates of survival. It is likely that almost all editions of works by a man as famous as Luther survive in at least one copy, because they would have been preserved as highly collectible—such was Luther’s renown, even in his own lifetime. Large-scale books, such as folio Bibles and Latin commentaries, are also unlikely to have disappeared entirely. But small books by anonymous authors have probably survived far less well. At the end of the nineteenth century a small cache of Dutch Evangelical books was unearthed in a castle in the Netherlands. Of the seven books in the cache, only two were previously known through a surviving library copy. Only a few years ago, a second discovery, this time in the rafter of a house being renovated, produced a further three previously unknown editions (of five books in the bundle). It is an enticing thought what new discoveries may await historians of the Reformation as the systematic logging of books in large and small libraries around the world increases the corpus of information at the historian’s disposal.
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