{25} SECTION III
Japan in the eleventh century also witnessed a political transformation with the rise of Retired Emperors. These men took the tonsure but did not renounce the affairs of the world. To the contrary, they engaged in direct administration and oversaw rituals which were thought to be the essence of court governance. The first of these Retired Emperors was Go-Sanjō (1032–73; r. 1068–73). But the position was solidified by Shirakawa (1053–1129), who reigned as emperor from 1073–87 but then continued to govern and oversee rites which demonstrated that he, rather than the nominally reigning Emperor, was sovereign. He became known as the chiten no kimi, or the “lord who rules” and continued to exercise sovereign authority. Thus, even though others served as emperor after his retirement, Shirakawa continued to wield power until his death in 1129. As we shall see, three political factions, all with close ties to Shirakawa, would eventually jockey for power, and their battles would have a profoundly destabilizing effect on Japanese society. Some of these political actors were Minamoto no Yoshiie (1039–1106), who owed his success to his close ties with Shirakawa and briefly served as the Pacification General (Chinjufu shōgun) of the north; the Military Envoys (ōryōshi) of Mutsu Province (1089-1189), otherwise known as the Fujiwara of the north, who also had close ties to the Fujiwara Regents of the capital; and the Taira family from Ise Province.
This rule by Retired Emperors proved profoundly destabilizing for several reasons. While succession to the throne had long been governed according to standard procedures and precedents, once multiple emperors retired, the dominant retired or reigning emperor could only be determined through ritual actions, administrative policies, or, at times, through force of arms, as evident particularly with the skirmishes of 1156 and 1159. In addition, the Retired Emperors created portfolios of estates through administrative fiat, dispossessing powerful provincials (zaichō kanjin) in the process. Some of their clients, such as the Taira, ruled as nobles and only gave their followers weak managerial rights (gesu), while in other cases, warriors staged insurrections and promised their followers more durable rights.
{26} 1. Excerpts from “The Heiji Rebellion” in Jien’s Thirteenth-Century History The Gukanshō1
Jien (1155–1225), a Protector Priest (gojisō) for Go-Toba, wrote a remarkable history of Japan in the 1220s. The selection below includes an account of the Heiji Disturbance of 1159, during which Minamoto no Yoshitomo and Fujiwara no Nobuyori’s forces attacked the palace where Go-Shirakawa—a Retired Emperor and Japan’s de facto sovereign—resided. The attack failed when Taira no Kiyomori returned from a pilgrimage to the capital and defeated Yoshitomo and Nobuyori in battle.2
On the night of the ninth day of the twelfth month of the first year of Heiji [1159], the palace at Karasuma and Sanjō, where the Go-Shirakawa3 lived, served by Shinzei and his sons, was surrounded in an attempt4 to trap everyone in the palace and burn them to death. . . .
Taira no Kiyomori, Deputy Governor General of Dazaifu (Dazai Daini), was on his way to the Kumano shrines on a pilgrimage when he heard of this. Kiyomori had not yet arrived at the shrines, but was staying at what was then called Futagawa, otherwise known as the Tanobe station. A messenger reported what had happened in the capital. Kiyomori, who was with his sons Motomori, Governor of Echizen, and the thirteen-year-old Munemori, Governor of Awaji, wondered what to do. He had only fifteen samurai.5 He thought his only option was to flee to Kyushu (Tsukushi) and wait there for reinforcements. But then Yuasa Muneshige, a Kii Province warrior (musha) known as the Acting Governor, arrived with exactly thirty-seven horse riders, a good-sized force for that time. Muneshige told Kiyomori he should quickly attack the capital. Though Tankai of Kumano was not one of Kiyomori’s samurai, he gave seven suits of armor and all his gear, including bows and arrows, to Kiyomori without hesitation. Muneshige’s thirteen-year-old son gave his own small suit of haramaki armor, of leather dyed purple, to Munemori, Kiyomori’s thirteen-year-old son, who put it on.6
{27} Kiyomori dispatched a representative (daikan) to Kumano in his stead, finally arriving in the capital on the seventeenth day of the twelfth month [of 1159]. [Minamoto] Yoshitomo should have attacked him at that time but did not, most likely because his reinforcements had not yet arrived from the east. . . . Kiyomori uneventfully took up residence at Rokuhara. . . .
The omitted passages recount how Kiyomori cleverly managed to move the retired and reigning emperors to his mansion at Rokuhara, making it the new palace. The narrative resumes with a description of Minamoto no Yoshitomo’s desperate attack on that compound.
Eventually Yoshitomo tied the strings of his helmet and set forth, whipping his horse along the narrow streets of Kyoto [so fast that] he left his samurai behind in the narrow streets of the capital. The [Taira] forces of Rokuhara approached the palace. Yoshitomo called out: “I hope to fight and die at Rokuhara!” and advanced. On the Taira side, Saemon no suke Shigemori, Kiyomori’s eldest son, and the Governor of Mikawa Yorimori, Kiyomori’s younger brother, fought like real great generals. Shigemori was most magnificent—when his horse was shot out from under him, he used his bow to catapult himself, from lumber piled on the bank of Horikawa, onto a new horse. With broken arrows protruding from their armor, both men returned to Rokuhara. Their victory eased the minds of all who had watched the battle.
Yoshitomo advanced as far as Rokuhara’s boarded barricades. In the ensuing turmoil, the great general Kiyomori, wearing black armor of black weave over dark indigo robes (hitatare) and carrying lacquered black arrows, rode forth from the central gate of the [Rokuhara] palace on a black horse. Tying his general’s helmet, with its protruding crest (kuwagata), fast to his head, he rushed forward. Twenty or thirty samurai, mounted and on foot, ran with him. “What is causing the ruckus? Let’s take a look here,” he said as he and his men confidently sped forth.
Yoshitomo, who had only ten followers (rōtō) remaining, could not continue the fight and was forced to retreat to the lands of the east. . . . At that moment, Jūyu, the Protector Priest of the palace who came from Mt. Hiei, dressed in pale reddish yellow robes, turned to the northeast7 and repeatedly prostrated himself, chanting “Hail the Three Treasures of Mt. Hiei.” At such times, a person like this should always appear.
{28} 2. An Order (kudashibumi) Issued by Taira no Kiyomori8
Taira no Kiyomori (1118–81) fought prominently in the Hōgen Disturbance of 1156 and the Heiji Disturbance of 1159. As a result of his success, he was promoted and became a prominent courtier. Having achieved the office of Provisional Middle Councilor, Kiyomori ensured that his follower Taira no Ietsuna would receive managerial rights of Shidō estate. Ietsuna, who appears in the Tale of Heiji, was one of Kiyomori’s most trusted followers. He apparently was the original lord of these lands, but they were commended to Itsukushima Shrine in Aki Province. The office of gesu, or manager, was not a particularly durable right as the proprietor of an estate could easily divest a gesu from office. By contrast, Taira no Kiyomori’s rival Minamoto no Yoritomo would devise a much more durable managerial right, that of jitō, in 1180. The utter destruction of the Taira in 1185 meant that nearly all their documents were lost, but this one survived because of the ongoing importance of Itsukushima Shrine, the proprietor of these lands.
Issued from the office (mandokoro) of the house of the Provisional Middle Councilor [Taira no Kiyomori] to Kagehiro, Deputy of the Custodian Bureau (Kamon no suke).
Ietsuna shall immediately assume the managerial office (gesu shiki) of Shidō estate, in Yamagata district (gun) [Aki Province]. Ietsuna is the lord of these lands (jinushi), which have been donated to your holdings. It is so ordered that he shall be given managerial office (gesu shiki). Please take note. Appoint this person as stated thus. Therefore, this order.
The sixth month of the second year of Chōkan (1164).
[Names omitted]
3. Civil War in the 1180s
Prince Mochihito, passed over for succession, rebelled shortly after the Taira placed his father, Go-Shirawaka, under house arrest in 1179. The edict Mochihito issued in response—which does not exist in a reliable copy—sparked the “Genpei War” (1180–85). Although the war was retrospectively remembered as a conflict {29} between the Minamoto (Gen) and the Taira (Hei) these lineages did not determine political allegiances at the time. To the contrary, the wars were fought by local warriors against central authorities. This rebellion could be justified through Prince Mochihito’s edict. Mochihito’s edict gave Minamoto no Yoritomo the excuse to launch an attack on the forces of a provincial governor. Mochihito was eventually hunted down and killed by the forces of Taira no Kiyomori.
Yoritomo unilaterally asserted his authority to commend lands—a radical step. The following document, the earliest surviving record we have of him, provides a better picture of his actions. Though long assumed to be a forgery, this document was in fact a copy, made by Yoritomo himself later in life, of one of his earliest documents.9 Both early documents survive at Mishima Shrine, where he initially staged his rebellion.
An Order (kudashibumi) of Minamoto no Yoritomo 110
(Monogram of Yoritomo)
Ordered: To the Provincial Headquarters (rusu dokoro) and to resident provincial officials (zaichō)11
The appointment of the office (shiki) having authority over Mizono and Kawaragaya districts, is granted to: Miya Morikata12
Concerning the above, these districts have been commended to the Mishima Deity (Daimyōjin). The districts’ residents shall obey. Do not be remiss. Wherefore this order.
The fourth year of Jishō [1180], eighth month, nineteenth day
{30} An Order (kudashibumi) of Minamoto no Yoritomo 213
Ordered: To the officials (satanin) of Izu Province, Kawaragaya district
The Hata shall immediately have authority within this district.14
As for the above, this area has customarily been part of Kawaragaya district. These lands shall immediately become the lands of the Mishima Deity. Let there be no disturbances. Thus this matter is decided.
The fifth year of Jishō [1181] seventh month, twenty-ninth day
Minamoto ason (Monogram of Yoritomo)
Azuma Kagami, 4.27 Jishō 4 [1180]15
Compare the surviving documents of Yoritomo with how his actions were later retrospectively characterized in the Azuma Kagami (Chronicle of the East), which describes how Yoritomo received an edict from Prince Mochihito. This chronicle, which was compiled in the 1260s, is an important source for early Kamakura history, as much of its evidence does not appear elsewhere. But at times its narrative is anachronistic, particularly when describing the actions and achievements of Minamoto no Yoritomo. In particular, it papers over the ad hoc nature of Yoritomo’s rebellion, in favor of portraying him as a perspicacious leader. Likewise, the Azuma Kagami portrays the provincial officer of shugo, or protector, as being created by Yoritomo in 1180 as well, but the notion of a protector was initially ad hoc, and this office only became formalized after his death in 1199.
Twenty-seventh day. Today the edict (ryōji) issued by Takakura no Miya (Mochihito) was delivered to the former chief of the Palace Guards (saki no buei) (Minamoto no Yoritomo) at the Hōjō Residence in Izu Province. It was brought by Minamoto no Yukiie. The chief of the Palace Guards (Yoritomo), wearing ceremonial robes and bowing respectfully toward distant Otokoyama, gave instructions {31} to have the pronouncement opened and read. Meanwhile, Yukiie set out for Kai and Shinano provinces to convey the prince’s intentions to Minamoto warriors there.
Azuma Kagami, 8.17 Jishō 4 [1180]
This passage from the Azuma Kagami describes Yoritomo’s initial rebellion and suggests that he had a coherent vision of his future authority. It obscures the ad hoc nature of his initial actions.
Minamoto no Yoritomo began his rebellion by attacking Taira (Yamaki) Kanetaka on the festival day for Mishima Shrine, on 8.17.1180.Two days later, he issued the following order concerning the Kamaya Shrine lands (mikuriya) controlled by Yamaki Kanetaka’s uncle Tomochika.
Ordered: To the residents (jūnin) of the Kamaya Shrine lands (mikuriya)
Immediately, the Scribal Secretariat (shi no taifu)16 [Nakahara] Tomochika’s administration is nullified.
As for the above, the Prince’s edict is clear: all of the public and private lands in the east shall all be under my authority. Hence, the residents shall be made known of this, and [take steps to have their properties] confirmed. Thus it is commanded. Wherefore this order.
The fourth year of Jishō [1180], eighth month, nineteenth day
4. The Difficulty of Estimating Army Size
As Taira forces were desperately clinging to the capital, Regent Kujō Kanezane—author of the chronicle Gyokuyō—had his servants count the size of a single Taira army and discovered that its strength had been exaggerated by a factor of seven to ten. This Taira army, led by Taira no Sukemori, headed toward Uji in the south before turning toward the east in an attempt to thwart the forces of Minamoto no Yoshinaka. In another chronicle of the same period, Yoshida Tsunefusa (the Kikki) recounts how, after spying on this Taira army of {32} roughly a thousand men, the Retired Emperor Go-Shirakawa secretly viewed these forces, believed it to be made up of three thousand. Both entries date from 7.21 of the second year of Jūei [1183].
Kujō Kanezane, Gyokuyō 7.21 Jūei 2 [1183]
At the hour of the horse [11 a.m.–1 p.m.], the Envoy to Pursue and Punish (tsuitōshi) departed. The Captain recently appointed to the third rank, Sukemori, was the General, and Sadayoshi, the governor of Higo, accompanied him as they set off for Tahara.17 They passed by a narrow road to the east of my house. My servants secretly observed them and said that their force comprised 1,080 horse. Recently, rumors circulated that these forces consisted of seven to eight thousand men, or even ten thousand. But the force as it is seen now is only a thousand. A rumor without foundation.
Yoshida Tsunefusa, Kikki 7.21 Jūei 2 [1183]
Today, the Captain recently appointed to the third rank, Lord Sukemori, and his brother, Governor of Bitchū Moromori, also with the Governor of Chikuzen Sadatoshi, led their men. Lord Sukemori had the edict of his promotion hanging from his neck. Sadayoshi, the Governor of Higo, also followed, and at noon he departed. I would estimate a force of three thousand horse. The Retired Emperor [Go-Shirakawa] secretly watched. After passing the road to Uji, they turned toward Ōmi Province.
1. Translated by Thomas Conlan.
2. Okami Masao, comp, Gukanshō (Iwanami shoten, 1967), 227–36. Brown’s translation in The Future and the Past, 108–15, was also consulted.
3. The Retired Emperor Go-Shirakawa. He is referred to here as the In.
4. The attackers were Minamoto Yoshitomo and Fujiwara Nobuyori.
5. This refers to low-ranking followers.
6. Haramaki constituted a simplified suit of armor which closed on the side. This boy, the text explains later, became a monk and supporter of the famous Buddhist figure Mongaku (1139–1203).
7. Kimon, an unlucky direction (northeast), where evil spirits would need to be quelled, and also the location of Mt. Hiei.
8. Takeuchi Rizō, comp., Heian ibun, vol. 7, doc. 3285, 6.1164 (Chōkan 2) Gon Chūnagon (Taira no Kiyomori) ke mandokoro kudashibumi, p. 2609. Translated by Thomas Conlan.
9. Hayashi Yuzuru, “Yoritomo no kao ni tsuite—sono keitai henka to Jishō Jūei nengo no shiyō o megutte.”
10. Shizuoka kenshi shiryōhen vol. 5, Chūsei 1, doc. 7, p. 15. Translated by Thomas Conlan.
11. Another name for the most powerful warriors of a province.
12. Miya Morikata was the head (kannushi) of Mishima Shrine.
13. Shizuoka kenshi shiryōhen vol. 5, Chūsei 1, doc. 88, p. 92. Translated by Thomas Conlan.
14. This phrase remains difficult to decipher. It could also refer to field for kibi, a type of rice used for brewing sake. In which case, it should be translated as “Authority over the brewing rice fields in the district shall immediately [belong to the shrine].” I believe, however, the characters represent a corruption for the name Hatano, a prominent local family.
15. The Azuma Kagami has been translated by Shinoda, The Founding of the Kamakura Bakufu, 157–62. Documents 5–8 are available in multiple editions. All have been translated by Thomas Conlan.
16. This represents an office of scribe within the Office of Records (shokikan).
17. This region is more famously known as Uji and was the site of a strategic crossing, which led to the capital from the south.