When the first edition of this book appeared in 1999 the world was a different place. Then, the crusades were a faraway concept, an odd series of events in a distant and murky medieval past. Wars of religion seemed largely irrelevant to citizens of a modern secular civilization. That changed. Terrorist attacks in the United States on September 11, 2001, and subsequently in Europe and the Middle East reminded us all that there remain people in the world willing to kill or to be killed for their religion. Since then radical Muslims, known as Islamists, have continued to call on their coreligionists to take part in a worldwide jihad against the people of the West, whom the Islamists often refer to as “crusaders.”
For their part, many in the West worry that their actions actually do resemble those of the medieval crusaders. Significant American and European military forces, for example, remain stationed in the Middle East. And Israel, which enjoys significant Western support, is planted on soil that was once the medieval crusaders’ kingdom. Western diplomats and politicians are careful to avoid any mention of the medieval crusades around Muslim leaders, lest they appear insensitive or conjure up memories of the harm done by the medieval holy wars against them. Unfortunately, these sentiments and approaches are fueled on both sides by an extremely weak understanding of the actual crusades or the medieval world in which they flourished. As a result, decisions—sometimes tragic decisions—are made based on deeply flawed concepts of history. By explaining just what the crusades were and were not, this book is an attempt to illuminate the complex relationship of the past to the present.
Despite a modern groundswell of interest, the crusades remain today one of the most commonly misunderstood events in Western history. That fact is all the more lamentable given the extraordinary amount of research that has been conducted on the subject during the past sixty years. Scholars know much more about the crusades today than ever before. However, most of that research is highly technical in nature and presented, appropriately enough, in scholarly journals and monographs that can seem impenetrable to those without specialized training. When the first edition of this book was published it joined only two other single-volume histories of the crusades written by professional historians—and even those two assumed a fair level of knowledge regarding medieval history. Back then an interested person who simply strolled into a bookstore looking for a history of the crusades was more likely to walk out with a book by a novelist, journalist, or ex-nun than one written with care by a scholar and based on the best research available.
The heightened public interest in the crusades after 9/11 created a strong market for new general histories, and popular authors did not disappoint. Yet many of those new works simply retold myths long ago dispelled by professional historians. It took several years before additional crusade specialists responded to the public demand. But that trickle soon became a torrent. Today there are so many histories of the crusades by scholars that they are in danger of depleting the supply of innovative names to place on their covers. Each has its own strengths and weaknesses. Yet despite the avalanche of new studies, the fundamental purpose of this book has not changed since 1999. It aims to tell the story of the crusades in a concise, understandable, and engaging manner based on the extraordinary fruits of more than half a century of modern scholarship.
Any historian who seeks to explain the crusades must first make peace with the length, breadth, and complexity of the subject. What were the crusades? When did they begin, and when did they end? What were the important milestones of the movement? Who was a crusader, and who was not?
Traditionally, authors have defined the scope of the crusades in terms of the expeditions to the Holy Land. In this, they followed the structure of medieval sources like the Gesta Dei per Francos. The crusades, therefore, begin with Pope Urban II’s call to arms at the Council of Clermont in 1095. The twin poles of such studies are the major expeditions to the East (i.e., the “numbered” crusades) and the history of the crusader states in Syria and Palestine. The narrative thread then weaves itself between conditions in the Levant and conditions in Europe, bringing the two together in the events of the greater crusades. From this perspective, the crusades come to a close with the extinction of the mainland crusader states in 1291. The movement, therefore, is nicely packaged in an organized fashion and in the space of two centuries.
In the past few decades, this construction of the crusades has been largely abandoned by scholars. Although traditional histories included events like the Albigensian Crusade or Baltic Crusades, neither of which was bound for the East, they did so only peripherally. Modern scholarship has rehabilitated this periphery. Most historians now accept that crusading took on many different forms; the general passage to the Holy Land was but one of them. Crusades against pagans, heretics, and enemies of the church were just as common by the thirteenth century as wars against the lands of Islam. Much of Europe’s crusading energy was also devoted to removing Muslims from Spain.
Beyond broadening the definition of the crusades, scholars have also reassessed the neat organization of the major expeditions. The simplicity of the numbered crusades gives the impression that Europe periodically exploded with crusading zeal, sending large armies east to fight the Muslims of Palestine. Yet the crusades were not discrete campaigns but continuous streams of armies on the march. Between the major crusades were countless smaller expeditions heading to a variety of targets.
If one accepts that the crusading movement transcends the conquest of the Holy Land, then there is no reason its history should abruptly end in 1291. During the past century, much research has been done on these “later crusades.” There is no doubt that crusading remained an important part of European thought well into the Renaissance and even beyond into the Protestant Reformation and Catholic Counter-Reformation. At some point, though, the historian must accept that the trail has grown cold and that crusade rhetoric has become merely that. If one insisted that the history of the crusades continued until the last crusader institution crumbled, then it would have to continue until the present so as to include the modern history of the Knights of Malta. Without a clear stopping point, it is up to the student to judge when the crusades ceased to be religious wars and transformed themselves into secular wars with religious trappings.
Despite the explosion in crusade studies over the past sixty years, the traditional construction of the crusades as a set of expeditions launched between 1095 and 1291 remains popular. There are good reasons for this. The traditional view introduces the student to the crusades in a way that is easier to grasp but does not distort the fundamental character of the movement. When one has a firm understanding of the crusades’ peaks, one can then better descend into the foggy crevices of their valleys. For the interested student, that will require reading many more books than just one general survey.
For this concise history of the crusades, I follow in many respects the construction, if not the scope, of the traditional histories. The crusades are first and foremost an aspect of European history. At the time few Muslims in the Middle East understood the crusades at all. For western Europeans the crusades were epic struggles that helped to fashion their image of themselves and their place in the larger world. For Muslims the crusades were hardly worthy of attention. As late as the seventeenth century the crusades remained virtually unknown in the Muslim world. From the grand perspective of Muslim history, they were simply tiny and futile attempts to halt the expansion of Islam. For that reason my overriding objective here is to relate the history of the crusades in a way that focuses on the events most important to Europeans at the time. Although political crusades and crusades against heretics were held to be valid, they were generally seen as variations on the theme of the Eastern crusades. The crusade, first and foremost, was a war against Muslims for the defense of the Christian faith and people; therefore, although I devote a chapter to crusading at home, the overall focus of this book is decidedly on the foreign expeditions. I do not deny the validity of scholarly arguments that would bring other crusades to share the center stage, but I think that this can be done only when one has a solid grasp of the original intent of the holy wars.
In other respects, I part company with the traditional construction of the crusades. Because my concern is the crusades as an element in medieval European history, I describe the history of the crusader states only insofar as they make the crusades themselves more intelligible. The history of the Latin East is fascinating but long and complex, and not all of it is relevant to the major expeditions. I also extend my treatment of the crusades well beyond the fall of Acre in 1291. Although the Holy Land was lost, it was not forgotten in Europe. After 1291, many crusades were planned, and some launched, to go to the aid of Palestine. Although by the fourteenth century turning back the Ottoman threat replaced the capture of Jerusalem as the primary motive of crusades, crusading remained a ubiquitous part of European thought and culture. I therefore follow the later history of the crusades until the point that (it seems to me) the Europeans themselves lost interest in them.
In summary, I have attempted to craft a history of the crusades that charts a middle course between the traditional and revisionist constructions. There is, after all, no contradiction between the two approaches: Both are merely different ways of understanding a complex set of events spanning centuries of Mediterranean history. In any general history, much of the story must be left out. It is my hope that readers will be sufficiently intrigued by the crusades to discover the rest for themselves.
Thomas F. Madden
Saint Louis, Missouri