13

The Battle of Stoke Field

In Ireland, following the Dublin King’s coronation, the attention of the members of his entourage was focussed chiefly on plans for their invasion of England. Therefore ships were being prepared to transport Martin Schwartz’s German mercenaries, and the Irish foot soldiers, across the Irish Sea. Meanwhile in England the news of the Dublin coronation had created some unrest. Henry VII first had Archbishop John Morton of Canterbury ceremonially pronounce in Coventry a papal excommunication against anyone who dared to contest his right to rule. After that, the king rode on to Kenilworth Castle, where he had arranged for his wife and his mother to join him.1

The ships from Dublin, bearing ‘Edward VI’ and his troops, landed on Foulney Island on Whit Monday, 4 June 1487. This tiny island was, in itself, an unpromising place in which to land. However, it gave the rebels access to strong Ricardian loyalist territory in Yorkshire. They were reportedly greeted on their arrival by Sir Thomas Broughton and members of his family. Broughton was a former retainer of Richard III, who had offered shelter to Lord Lovell at his home of Broughton Tower, some 10 miles further north, the previous year. Now Broughton not only greeted the little army from Ireland, he also arranged for supplies for the soldiers from the Cistercian Abbey of Furness.

Meanwhile, however, in an attempt to limit local support for the Dublin King, Henry VII had the Archbishop of York repeat in the north Archbishop Morton’s public proclamation of the papal bulls supporting his tenure of the royal title, and condemning any who opposed his sovereignty. The Archbishop of York was Thomas Rotherham, who had been appointed to this post in 1480, during the reign of Edward IV. He had also served Edward IV as Lord Chancellor. When Edward IV died, Rotherham had been one of the celebrants of the king’s funeral mass, which the Earl of Lincoln had attended as chief mourner. However, Rotherham had sided with Elizabeth Woodville, to whom he had handed over the great seal. As a result, Richard III dismissed him, replacing him as Lord Chancellor with Bishop John Russell. Russell held the post until a few weeks before the Battle of Bosworth, when Rotherham briefly regained the chancellorship, only to lose it again when Henry VII seized the crown. In general, Rotherham seems to have been a Yorkist, and Henry VII did not place much trust in him, but in the simple matter of proclaiming papal bulls, the archbishop had little room for manoeuvre.

Tradition says that the army of the Dublin King spent the night of Monday, 4 June, at Ulverston. Bennet suggested that on Tuesday, 5 June, they probably slept at Cartmel, and on Wednesday, 6 June, they probably stayed at Hornby Castle. Meanwhile, as Henry VII had intimated earlier, the Earl of Northumberland was now responsible for the defence of York. On 6 June Northumberland himself wrote the following letter to the city:

Whereas the King our souverain lordes rebelles bene landed in Fourneys [Furness], at the pile of Fowdray, upon monday last past, which God helping I entend to resist, and for the same intent wolbe in the citie of York toward them upon sonday next comyng; therfore I desire and pray you to cause provision of vitaill to be redy ayenst that tyme for such people as shall come and be ther with me, also that ye incontinent after the sight herof woll provide for the sure keping and saufgard of the said Citie, and that suche persones as ye goodly may forbere, the Citie kept, if it woll pleas you, they may accompany me in ther best and moost defensible array to do the King service for the entent afforsaid. And I pray you to yeve credence unto my right trusty servaunt Richard Burgh, squire, concernyng the premisses.

Writyn in my Maynour of Lekingfeld the vj day of Juyn.

Your loving frend,

H. Northumberland.2

The York city archives have preserved a copy of this letter. They then go on to note that it:

was oppynly red bifore the Maior, Aidremen and Commune Counsaille of the Citie of York; first in the Counsaill Chambre within the Guilhall, and after bifore all the Comons of the said Citie in the said Guilhall ther assembled, where and when as well the said Maier, Aldremen, Shereffs and Commune Counsaill forsaid as the said Commons was aggreed eithre to othre holding up ther hands that they wold kep this Citie with ther bodiez and goods to thuttermost of ther powerez to the behove of our soverain lord the King ayenst any his rebells entending to entre the same.3

By Friday, 8 June ‘King Edward VI’ and his putative cousin Lincoln were at Masham. Meanwhile King Henry VII had left Kenilworth and was marching to meet them at the head of his forces. On Archbishop Morton’s advice Henry had declared a kind of martial law. He made first for Leicester – a place full of recent memories for him. And in another curious repeat of August 1485, once again the Stanley family appeared to be hedging their bets and doing their best not to commit themselves to either side.

The city of York was also divided. Despite popular mythology on the subject the city was by no means unquestioningly committed to support for the royal house of York. In the past, some of its men had fought for Henry VI, and the city had declined to allow Edward IV to enter it as king when he returned from exile in 1471. In the summer of 1487 some of the citizens – most particularly the mayor and the city council – were definitely supporting not the Dublin King but Henry VII.

Acting, presumably, upon Lincoln’s instructions, ‘King Edward VI’ nevertheless wrote a letter to the mayor of York from Masham, asking to be allowed entry to the city, and requesting its support for his cause. A copy of the letter survives, and provides the vital evidence, cited in Chapter 3, which proves that the official royal style of the Dublin King was ‘Edward VI’. The text of the letter reads:

By the King.

To our trusty and weilbiloved the Maiour, his brethren and comunaltye of our Citie of York.

Trusty and wellbiloved we grete you wele, and for somoch as we beene comen within this oure realme, not oonlly, by goddes grace, to atteyne oure right of the same, but also for the relief and well of our said realme, you and all othre our true subgiettes, whiche hath bene gretely injurid and oppressid in default of nowne ministracon of good rules and justice, desire therfor, and in our right herty wise pray you that in this behalve ye woll shew unto us your good aides and favourez. And where we and such power as we have broght with us, by meane of travayle of the see and upon the land, beene gretely weryed and laboured, it woll like you that we may have relief and ease of logeing and vitailles within oure citie ther, and soo to depart and truly pay for that as we shall take. And in your soo dooing ye shall doo thing unto us of right acceptable pleaser, and for the same find us your good and souverain lord at all tymes herafter. And of your disposicions herein to acertain us by this bringer. Yevene undre our signet at Masham the viij day of Juyn.4

Copies of this letter were made in York and dispatched to various people, including Henry VII and the Earl of Northumberland.

The city council also ordered that the wardens of the city should be instructed to be on guard, and to keep watch to ensure that no one entered the city:

bot such as bee true liegemen unto our soverain lord the King, Herry the sevent. And the said Maior incontinently by thadvise of his bretherne, AIdermen, Shereffs and Common Counsaill forsaid, sent in message unto the said lords of Lincoln and Lovell iij of the Chamberleyns, yeving theme in commaundement to shew unto the said lords that my lord the Mayre, my masters his bretherne, Aldremen, the Shereffs, Commune Counsaill with thool [the whole] Communaltye of the Citie of York beene finally determyned that he which the said lords callid the King they nor none of ther retinew or company entending to approach this Citie shuld have any entrie into the same, bot to withstand them with ther bodies and goods, if they wold atteyne [attempt] soo to doo.5

Thus, the request of ‘Edward VI’ was turned down.

On the same day – Friday, 8 June – another letter was addressed to the mayor of York. This one was from the Earl of Northumberland. The earl thanked the city for its friendly disposition towards him and for the care being taken to protect the interests of King Henry VII. He informed the city that he was hoping to reach Pocklington by the evening of the following day. However, he promised not to tarry there but to press on in the hope of reaching York that same night (Saturday, 9 June). But whatever happened he promised to be with them by Sunday, 10 June, at the latest.6

On Saturday, 9 June, the mayor and council were advised that ‘Edward VI’, Lincoln and Lovell, with their army, were not actually approaching York, but had moved more or less due south from Masham in the direction of Boroughbridge. It was therefore concluded that they represented no immediate threat to the city.7 Meanwhile, Henry, Lord Clifford requested entry with his retinue, in order that he might help to defend the city for Henry VII if necessary, and the mayor granted his request. At the same time, orders were given for 500 armed men of York to station themselves at Micklegate. Clifford, together with 400 men at arms on foot and on horseback, joined them there four hours later.

Despite his promise, it was actually not until Trinity Sunday (10 June) that the Earl of Northumberland, accompanied by many knights and lords of the region, reached the city:

The same day at afternoune the Lord Clifford toke his journey towardes the Kinges ennemyes lyng upon Bramham More, and loged hymself that night at Tadcastre, but the same night the Kinges ennymes lying negh [nigh] to the same towne, cam upon the said Lord Clifford folkes and made a grete skrymisse ther, into so moch that he, with such folkes as he might get, retourned to the Citie again; and at that same skrymisse wer slayne and maymed diverse of the said toune, and thinhabitants ther wer spoled and robbed, and the gardewyans [travelling trunks] and trussing coffers [packing chests] of the Lord Clifford was taken of[f] the bri[d]g[e] by misfortune, and had unto the other partie.8

Thus it was Lord Clifford – a cousin of the royal house of York, and a nobleman who, ironically, had experienced a very similar upbringing to that claimed by ‘Edward VI’ – who made the first armed contact with the forces of the Dublin King. In this initial skirmish, the troops of ‘Edward VI’ were victorious, and Clifford, defeated, fell back to the city of York. Following this initial victory, on Tuesday, 12 June, the two lords Scrope attacked York in the name of King Edward. Although their attack failed to break in to the city, one of its outcomes was that it prevented Northumberland from joining Henry VII. On hearing of the attack, the earl, together with Lord Clifford, returned to York, where he remained until Thursday, 14 June – the Feast of Corpus Christi. That day, when the earl once again left York, he set off in the opposite direction – retreating northwards. Apparently Northumberland had now decided that the wisest course might be to replicate the standard Stanley tactics: lying low and sitting on the fence.9

The Feast of Corpus Christi was normally celebrated in York in a very grand manner, with processions of the Blessed Sacrament and religious plays. On the evening of Wednesday, 13 June, however, the mayor had issued a proclamation to the effect that this year the usual celebrations would have to be postponed for a month. Initially he proposed that they would be rescheduled for the Sunday following the Feast of the Translation of St Thomas of Canterbury (which was due on Saturday, 7 July). In the event, however, the 1487 Corpus Christi celebrations were ultimately delayed yet again. That year, in York, they were not held until Sunday, 5 August.10

Meanwhile another victory for the Dublin King’s army against Henry VII’s royal cavalry, in Sherwood Forest, caused the city to change its mind about which side it was on. York now finally declared its support for ‘King Edward VI’. Meanwhile rumours began to spread, to the effect that Henry VII had given up and run away. Superficially, things were looking good for the Yorkist boy-king and his army.

However, Henry VII had not, in fact, fled. On Thursday, 14 June, Henry VII appeared to his army and sought to restore confidence. His quite impressive forces had now assembled close to Nottingham, and he began to march along the south bank of the river Trent. Meanwhile ‘Edward VI’, the Earl of Lincoln and their army were manoeuvring on the northern side of the same river. Despite York’s change of heart, overall the Dublin King appears to have gained less military support than had been hoped. But on Friday, 15 June ‘Edward VI’ and Lincoln crossed the Trent and camped at the village of East Stoke.

According to the later account of Bernard André, Henry VII inspired his army with the following impressive (but improbable) pre-battle oration:

My most loyal lords and very stout companions in my battles, who have joined me in running so many risks by land and by sea, behold, we are unwillingly being put to the test in another war. For, as you know, the Earl of Lincoln, a treacherous man, is upholding this iniquitous cause directed against myself, although I have given him no occasion for so doing. Nor, as you see, does he do so by stealth, but rather most impudently, without any fear of God, not just to create difficulty for us, but also to oblige the desire of a light-headed, chattering little woman, who is not unaware that her blood-line ended with the death of her brother Richard. But, since he was always an enemy of our family, she has no care about the welfare of her niece, my right noble consort, but rather is striving to destroy ourselves and our issue. So you see how often we are provoked by her. But she will never go unavenged by us. I swear by God and His holy angels, while I consult days and nights for your common peace, our old enemy strives against me. But God, a just judge, strong and long-suffering, will furnish a remedy for this evil too. Meanwhile I urge and ahort [sic – exhort?] you that at this time the lawful succession must prove stronger than the lawless mischief-making of those people. Nor should you have any doubt but that God Himself, Who made us the victors in the previous war, will now allow us to triumph over our enemies. So let us attack them fearlessly, since God is our helper.

He made an ending, and, since the time was pressing, although the Earl of Oxford was ready to make a response he bid him hold his silence and have regard for the urgent situation. So, moving ‘as headlong as doves in the face of a dark storm’, they took up arms. And now the royal army was approaching the barbarian squadrons, and they awaited our men on the brow of a hill, drawn up and ready. But God, the Lord of vengeance, punished their wrath with a sudden gale which arose while they were engaged in fighting, just as when Constantine was fighting against the enemies of the Church, and our men, who thought themselves bested, finally overcame them. Then a sudden shout of ‘King Henry’ rose up to heaven, as trumpets blared on all sides, and filled the ears of them all with rejoicing. There that petty king of villains, who, as I have said, had been crowned in Ireland, was taken in battle. Interrogated about what boldness induced the rascal to dare such a great deed, [he] did not deny that he had been compelled by certain criminals of his own rank in life. Asked next about his family and parentage, he admitted that they were altogether low-down personages of mean professions unworthy of mention in this history. And the Earl of Lincoln suffered an end fitting for his actions. For he was killed on the battlefield, and likewise many others, whose commander and ruler was Martin Schwarz, a man well-versed in the arts of war, who fell while fighting bravely. When the day had been won by our king, by the grace of God Almighty, with little loss of life, he returned to London to offer thanksgiving to God, accompanied by his entire force.11

The account of the Battle of Stoke, as recorded by the city of York, reads as follows:

The Satterday next after the fest of Corpus Christi, the King lying with a grete powre divyded in three hostez beyond Newark, the wayward of the same in which th’erl of Oxford, the Lord Straunge, Sir John Chyney, th’erl of Shrewsbury, and many othre to the nombre of x Ml [10,000] met with the Lordes of Lincolne and Lovell with othre many noblez, as well of Ynglisshmen as lrisshmen, and othres to the nombre of xxMl [20,000], of the more beyond Newauk, and there was a soore batell, in the which th’erl of Lincolne and many othre, as well Ynglisshmen as Irissh, to the nombre of vMI [5,000] were slayne and murdred ; the Lord Lovell was discomfotid and fled, with Sir Thomas Broghton and many othre, and the child which they callid ther King was takyn and broght unto the Kinges grace, and many othre in grete nombre which was juged to deth at Lincolne and othre placs theraboute. And upon Sonday by iii of the clok in the mornyng, tidinges came to my lord Maier from the feld, howe Almighty God had sent the King victorye of his ennymes and rebelles, and therupon my Lord Maier, taking with hyme his brethre Aldremen, with thool Counsaill of this Citie, upon certaine knowlege of the victory forsaid shewed by the mouthe of a servaunt of Master Recordour comyng streught from the said feld, came to the Cathedrall Church of York, and there caused all the ministres of the same to make lovinges [Laudes, or praises] to our Saveour for the tryumphe and victory forsaid, singing solemplye in the high qwere of the said church the psalme of Te Deum Laudamus with othre suffragies.12

Actually it seems to have been King Henry VII himself who gave the instructions for Te Deum Laudamus to be sung at York Minster in thanksgiving for his victory:

Trusty and welbeloved we grete you wele. And forsomoche as it hath liked our blissed Saveour to graunte unto us of his benigne grace the triumphe and victorye of oure rebelles without deth of any noble or gentilman on oure part, we therfor desire and pray you, and sithin this said victorye procedeth of hyme, and concernyth not oonly the wele and hondour of us, but also of this our royme, nrthlesse charge you, that calling unto you in the moost solempne church of oure Citie ther, your brethern Thaldermen and othre, ye doo lovinges and praisinges to be yevene to oure said Salveour aftre the best of your powers. Yevene undre oure signet at oure Toune of Newarke xvj day of Juyn.13

The York city records of the Battle of Stoke report that the Dublin King was captured, and the Heralds’ Memoir account tells us that the pretender to the throne was captured by Robert Bellingham, and that the boy’s real name was revealed to be John. Interestingly, the published version of the Heralds’ Memoir claims that the Continental account of the conflict written by Adrien De But stated that the Dublin King was never captured. According to Cavell’s printed edition of the Memoir, De But claimed that as soon as it became apparent that his army was likely to be defeated by that of Henry VII, Edward VI was sent off the field by his supporters, and was subsequently taken to Guînes.14

In point of fact, however, Cavell’s statement on this point contains errors. What De But’s original text actually says is that:

the Earl of Lincoln and Martin Zwarte fell with about five thousand men. But the king, who acted in a kindly way towards foreigners, commanded that all the prisoners from Ireland should be strangled. The young Duke of Clarence [sic] was also captured, whom the Earl of Suffolk, carefully delivered, and he fell back with him to Guisnes.15

‘Guizam’ in the original Latin text refers to Guînes (Guisnes), which, with its castle, at that period comprised part of the English territory of Calais.

The Earl of Suffolk – though he did not yet hold that title in 1487 (which implies that De But’s account was actually written a few years after the Battle of Stoke) – was the Earl of Lincoln’s younger brother, Edmund de la Pole. Edmund inherited his elder brother’s excellent claim to the English throne when Lincoln was killed at Stoke. A few years later, Edmund also inherited his father’s title of Duke of Suffolk. However, he was then, rather insultingly, demoted from duke to earl by Henry VII. Nevertheless, Edmund, in his turn, became a prominent Yorkist pretender to the throne. Eventually, he escaped from the hostile environment of Henry VII’s England to Flanders, but was subsequently extradited by Henry VII. Finally, Henry VIII had him executed in 1513.

In 1487 Edmund would have been 15 or 16 years of age. Whether he was actually in the vicinity of the Battle of Stoke when it was fought is not known. However, it is not necessary to assume that Adrien De But wished to imply that Edmund helped the Dublin King to escape immediately after the battle. De But may simply have meant that Edmund helped Edward VI to escape from England later, possibly even after he had been taken to London as a prisoner. It is certainly intriguing to find that one Flemish chronicle records that the Dublin King did not remain in the custody of Henry VII, but escaped to Flanders, aided by the Earl of Lincoln’s younger brother. If true, De But’s account would, of course, mean that the Lambert Simnel who later served in Henry VII’s kitchens – but who may have looked somewhat older than the boy who had been crowned in Ireland – was not actually identical with ‘King Edward VI’.

Meanwhile, in the aftermath of the battle, Henry VII, with his usual thoroughness, took the time to write a letter to the pope from Kenilworth Castle. This letter, written on Thursday, 5 July 1487, aimed to ensure that those members of the Church hierarchy in Ireland who had crowned the Dublin King would be duly punished:

Whereas some of the prelates of Ireland, the Archbishop of Dublin, the archbishop of Armagh and the bishops of Meath and Derry, in contempt both of our sovereignty and of ecclesiastical censureship, aided and helped our rebels and foes, and an illegitimate child, victory against whom we have in our hands, and their rebels and our enemies, inventing that boy of theirs to be a son of the late Duke of Clarence, they crowned him King of England, to the serious prejudice of us and our whole realm, we most humbly beg and request your Holiness to subject the aforementioned prelates to his ecclesiastical charge of censureship, and to take legal action against them.16

Notes

Abbreviations

  1.  Cavell, Heralds’ Memoir, p. 111.

  2.  Raine, York Civic Records, p. 20 (original records, Book 6, fols 96b–97).

  3.  Raine, York Civic Records, p. 20 (original records, Book 6, fols 96b–97).

  4.  Raine, York Civic Records, pp. 20–21 (House Book 6, fol. 97 recto).

  5.  Raine, York Civic Records, p. 21 (House Book 6, fol. 97 verso).

  6.  ‘Thanke you for your luffing disposicions perseverantly shewed unto me, but specially for the faithfull guyding and true disposicions shewed for your provident and sure ordring of the King our souverain lordes Citie undre your rule, for the surtie and conservacion of the same to his moost high pleaser, praying you as effectually as I can, therin to shewe your faithfull endevours with all diligence as ye, have doone, and if the caas require that occasiuon be to the contrary herof, I therof certified, who, God helping, wolbe at Poklington to morowe at evene, shall not rest ther but be with you the same nyght, like as worshipfull thes berers, chapleyns unto the Knges highnesse, kan shewe unto you, to whom I pray you to yeve credence, and upon Sonday next coming I wol not fail to be with you at the farrest, and tofore if ye think it requisite. Writyn in my Manous of Lekyngfeld the viij day of Juyn. Your lovyng frend, H. Northumberland.’ Raine, York Civic Records, p. 21 (House Book 6, fols 97 verso and 98 recto).

  7.  ‘Satterday, the viiij day of Juyn the yere of the reigne of our souverain lord King Herry the Sevent, at after none of the same day, the Chamberleyns sent in message unto the Lordes of Lincolne and Lovell, and othre herebifore named, come in at Mikylgate-barre, and ther shewed unto my lord the Mayre and othre his brethren being present, howe the said lordes and ther retinewe was departed on Brugh-brig, and soo streght suthward, not entending to come negh this Citie to doo any prejudice or hurt unto the same. And incontinently after ther comyng the Lord Clifford sent word unto my lord Maier that he might come in with his folkes and retenewe for to assiste and support the Maier and the Communaltye of this Citie, if any of the Kinges ennymes wold approche unto the same. Wherunto the Mayre consentid and graunted that he shuld soo have his entree, and causid all the stret of Mikelgate to be garnysshed with men in harnesse the nomber of DC personez and mor, and within the space of iiij houre aftre, receyved the said Lord Clifford at Mikelgate-Barre with CCCC personnez of footmen and horsmen in to the said Citie and sent unto hyme a present of wyne and according to his honour.’ Raine, York Civic Records, p. 22.

  8.  Raine, York Civic Records, p. 22.

  9.  ‘Also upon the tewesday after, Therl of Northumberland, Lord Clifford and many othre nobles accompanyd with vj M^l, nombred, departid suthward toward the Kinges grace at xj of the clok, and anone after his departour the Lordes Scropes of Bolton and Upsall, constreyned as it was said by there folkes, cam on horsbak to Bowthom Barre, and ther cried King Edward, and made a salt at the yates, hot the Comons being watchmen there well and manly defendid tham and put tham to flitht. … Therle of Northumberland having knowlege hereof, being within vj milez of the Citie, sent in message unto the Maier and desired hyme that lie might come and entre the Citie agane for diverse consideracions and causes hyme moveing. … And incontinently therupon, the said Erl, the lord Clifford, and othre many nobles accompayned with iiijM^l men and moo, was thankfully receyved unto the said Citie, and there continued to Thursday, Corpus Christi day, and the same day at noone hastly the said lordes toke ther journey towardes the north parties.’ Raine, York Civic Records, pp. 22–3.

10.  ‘Upon Corpus Christi evene, proclamacion was made thrugh the Citie that the play of the same, for diverse consideracions moveing my lord Maier, my masters Aldremen and othre of the Comune Counsailie, shuld be differd unto the Sonday next after the fest of Saint Thomas of Canterbdry. And then aftre it was differd to the Sonday next aftre the fest of Saint Petre called Ad vincula, because of the Kinges comyng hidder.’ Raine, York Civic Records, p. 23. This proves, incidentally, that the York House Books were written up some time after the events reported in them took place.

11.  Sutton, De Vita atque Gestis Henrici Septimi Historia, sections 54 and 55.

12.  Raine, York Civic Records, pp. 23–4

13.  Raine, York Civic Records, pp. 20-24.

14.  Cavell, Heralds’ Memoir, p. 117, n. 327.

15.  ‘Cecedit comes Lincolniensis et Martinus Zwarte cum fere v^m hominum, sed rex, pie cum extraneis agens, omnes de Yrlandia captives strangulari mandavit; captus quoque fuit juvenis dux Clarentiae [sic], quem suptiliter comes de Suffolc liberans transfretavit cum eo et apud Guizam se recepit.’ De But, Chroniques, pp. 674–5.

16.  ‘Cum nonnulli ex praelatis Hiberniae, archiepiscopus scilicet Dublinensis, archiepiuscopus Armachanensis et episcope Medensis et Darensis, tam in nostri dominii quam censurarum ecclesiasticarum contemptum, rebellibus hostibusque nostris opem et juvamen impenderint, ac spurium quemdam pueram, quem victoria potiti in manibus nostris habemus, ac rebellium ipsorum et hostium nostrorum confingentium puerum ipsum ducis quondam Clarentiae filium esse in regem Angliae coronarunt, ad grave nostrum et totius regni nostril praejudicium, vestram Sanctitatem humillime imploramus ut praefatos prelates in censuras incursos ecclesiasticas postulare velit, atque in eos de jure procedure.’ Gairdner, Letters and Papers of the Reigns of Richard III and Henry VII, pp. 95–6.