CHAPTER EIGHT
CLAUDIUS II ëGOTHICUSí A.D. 268ñ270
BROTHER OF QUINTILLUS
Marcus Aurelius Valerius Claudius, A.D. 214/5 (or 219)ñ270. A native of Dardania, Claudius II was the first in a long line of emperors who hailed from Illyricum, a region that had long been the Empireís strongest area for recruiting soldiers. Though an ambitious and energetic emperor, he is praised too highly by later Christian historians, who intensely disliked his predecessor, Gallienus, and who admired Claudius as a supposed relative of Constantine the Great.
Claudius had served vigorously under Gallienus, apparently helping to defeat the usurper Ingenuus in the summer of 260, and participating in the failed campaign against Postumus in 263/265. In the course of his service, Claudius II came to lead Gallienusí cavalry, and may have been the first man to engage Aureolus, the rebellious general who sided with Postumus and based his revolt at Milan. Once Gallienus had secured victory against the Goths, he returned to Milan and took over the siege, placing Claudius in command of the reserve forces at nearby Ticinum.
This must have upset Claudius, for he conspired with at least three other commanders (one of whom was the future emperor Aurelian) to murder Gallienus in September of 268. The army was angered by this, and it required a very liberal bribe of 20 aurei per man to restore their support, after which Claudius was hailed emperor in Gallienusí place. Claudius next completed the siege of Milan and executed Aureolus (whom he apparently lured out with a false promise to spare his life).
Meanwhile in Rome, the senate was overjoyed at the death of Gallienus, and engaged in a bloody purge of Gallienusí family and adherents. Because this was unpopular with the soldiers in the north of Italy, Claudius beseeched the senate to stop the purge. But the amount of attention Claudius could pay to Rome was limited; the Alemanni had crossed the Rhone in large numbers due to the garrisons of Raetia being weakened by the activities of Aureolus.
Claudius led his army east to check the Alemannian invasion at Lake Benacus. He did so with such success that half of the invading army was lost, earning him the title Germanicus maximus. During this campaign, the future emperor Aurelian was given command of the cavalry ó the post the emperor himself had once held. Claudius wintered in Rome, where he was able to develop a strong relationship with the senate. Consequently, he was able to lobby them to deify Gallienus (a task they did not support) so as to shore up his own support in the army.
Early in the next year, Claudius seems to have received a request from Spain, beseeching deliverance from the separatist Empire of Postumus. At the same time there occurred a shortñlived revolt by the Spanish nobleman Laelianus at Trier, in February or June of 269. Encouraged, Claudius sent an expeditionary force to southern Gaul and Spain under the leadership of Julius Placidianus, who easily restored Spain and the Gallic territories east of the Rhône to the Central Empire.
At the same time as the attack against Postumusí separatist Empire, Claudius returned to the Gothic front in the Balkans, where the general Marcianus was continuing to harass the Goths, and from where Claudius intended to drive them out for good. Despite some Goths returning from across the Danube to offer help to their besieged comrades, the tribes suffered terribly from hunger, the plague and from the legions of Claudius. Roman victories were substantial (though they may not include the famous battle at Naïssus, which some scholars attribute to Gallienus), and earned Claudius the surname Gothicus maximus.
As the Goths were beaten and dispersed, Claudius found a variety of new tasks at hand. Many barbarians who had escaped by means of the Herulian ships began to make piratic raids in the Aegean, but the cities themselves and the Roman fleet were able to defend suitably. Many of the Goths were either taken into the ranks of the Roman army or were settled in Roman territories; there seemed little else that could be done with so many refugees.
Then, in a virtual repeat of history, the upper Rhine was breached once again (this time by the Juthungi near Raetia) and the Vandals were preparing to invade Pannonia. These new emergencies required the emperor to leave the Gothic front before he was able to conclude the campaign. Thus, his campaign was placed in the able hands of his eventual successor, Aurelian, the general who seems to have been the other principal candidate considered as a replacement to Gallienus.
While in Pannonia, apparently on his mission against the Vandals, Claudius II died of the plague at Sirmium in August or September of 270 (though this, in error, is often placed quite early in 270). In the aftermath, Rome was plunged into yet another civil war as the senate and the Italian legions (through a donative) supported the claim of Claudiusí brother, Quintillus, and the Illyrian legions then engaged on the Gothic front supported their own commander, Aurelian.
Claudius II enjoyed great military success during his brief reign but, because of the difficulties he faced in Europe, he was unable to oppose the expansion of Palmyra, which during his reign forcibly occupied most of Asia Minor, all of Syria and the Levant, and even the prize province Egypt. This unopposed conquest of the East must be taken into consideration before Claudiusí European successes are too loudly applauded.
None-the-less, Claudius was renowned in his day (as evidenced by his vast commemorative coinage), and rightly so, for, as historians such as Edward Gibbon have noted, Claudiusí brief reign was the beginning of the Empireís recovery from the chaos of the era of Gallienus.
NUMISMATIC NOTE: Excepting the initial donative of 268, Claudiusí coinage continued the pitiful decline from the reign of Gallienus (though the massive divo coinage struck in his memory only serves to confirm that by the end of his reign, Claudius II was beloved by both senate and the army). It is noteworthy that his epithet Gothicus is included in the inscription on certain of his posthumous coins. He is further commemorated on coinage by Constantine the Great, who claimed to be the grandson of Claudiusí daughter or niece. The extremely rare reduced sestertii (usually called asses) of Claudius II lack the traditional SC on the reverse.
QUINTILLUS A.D. 270
BROTHER OF CLAUDIUS II
Marcus Aurelius Claudius Quintillus (earlier Marcus Aurelius Quintillus), A.D. 229(?)ñ270. The younger brother of Claudius II, Quintillus had been placed in command at Aquileia to secure the West while Claudius personally led the offensive against the Goths. After news reached Italy of Claudiusí death from the plague in August or September of 270, Quintillus paid a donative to the army, curried the support of the senate, and was thus hailed emperor.
Perhaps his first official acts were to have the senate consecrate his brother ó something they were only too willing to do ó and to add the name Claudius to his own. But his hope that the Illyrian armies would support him proved illusory, as they had in the meantime proclaimed for another Illyrian named Aurelian, who was Claudiusí cavalry commander and who had taken over the Gothic campaign in the Balkans.
Aurelian continued to oversee the return of the Goths to their side of the Danube, and in the process spared cities en route the destruction they otherwise were certain to suffer. These important accomplishments caused his own soldiers and the legions in Pannonia to hail him emperor at Sirmium in opposition to the ìlegitimateî emperor, Quintillus. Recognizing that Quintillus faced certain defeat, his own soldiers abandoned his cause within days.
After a legitimate but brief reign, Quintillus committed suicide in November (or perhaps October) of 270, presumably at Aquileia, where he spent most of his reign. Though Zonoras and Eutropius erroneously place his reign at only 17 days, it clearly was longer, and in all likelihood was two or nearly three months. The names and fates of his wife and two children are unknown.
CHRONOLOGICAL NOTE: Though it is the consensus of most scholars that the death of Claudius II, the reign of Quintillus and the accession of Aurelian occurred later in 270 (rather than earlier as was traditionally supposed), it is worth noting that Michael Grant, in The Roman Emperors, cites a papyrus dated ì25 Mayî that indicates the defeat of Quintillus was by then known in Egypt. If the translation is reliable, then a return to the earlier chronology is warranted.
NUMISMATIC NOTE: The aurei of Quintillus are extremely rare, with all known specimens being struck with the same artful obverse die. In addition to coins bearing his own image, Quintillus caused a great many coins to be struck in honor of his deceased brother, not only to honor him personally, but also in the hope it would generate support for himself as the legitimate successor. However, these posthumous coins, as well as a small issue he struck specifically honoring Pannonia, failed to have their intended effect.
AURELIAN A.D. 270ñ275
HUSBAND OF SEVERINA
Lucius Domitius Aurelianus, c. A.D. 207/14 ñ 275. Like most of the emperors of his era, Aurelian was of extremely humble origins, though he had an outstanding career in the army. He became a cavalry commander under Gallienus (in whose murder he seems to have participated), and kept the same position under Gallienusí successor, Claudius II.
Although Aurelian was the second-most-likely successor to Gallienus, he had to wait another two years before his opportunity arose. Indeed, it came not long after Claudius II died of the plague in August or September of 270 (though possibly earlier, see the Chronological Note for Quintillus above), after which the deceased emperorís brother, Quintillus, ascended the throne with the support of the senate and the legions in Italy.
In the meantime, Aurelian was stationed in northern Greece and the Balkans, where he had been placed in charge of finishing operations against the now-humiliated Goths and Heruli. His success in this capacity was so impressive that the legions under his command and those in Pannonia hailed him emperor in opposition to Quintillus. His usurpation ó for that is exactly what it was ó gained widespread support, causing the legions of Italy to withdraw their support for Quintillus in October or November of 270 (if not much earlier), after which the luckless emperor committed suicide.
Aurelian was now the uncontested emperor of Rome, and though he enjoyed the confidence of the army, the senate was none too pleased that their ìfriendlyî candidate had been lawlessly usurped. Aurelianís first task was to repel an invasion by the Vandals and Sarmatians on the Danube. This he did with such efficiency that they sued for peace.
Next, Aurelian responded to an invasion of Italy by the Marcomanni and Juthungi. Though initially routed, Aurelian was able to eject the invaders. Because the invasions of the latter two had penetrated Italy and threatened Rome itself, Aurelian began to construct a defensive circuit wall around the capital (which was completed by his successor, Probus). Perhaps as no other event of the 3rd Century, this was a clear indication of the decline of the ancient capital.
Aurelian next marched to the Balkans, where it seems three ephemeral revolts had occurred (by Septimius, Urbanus and a Domitianus, who may be the same man as the one who revolted in Alexandria 25 years later). About this time, Aurelian abandoned Dacia, a frontier province on the opposite side of the Danube that had proven too difficult to maintain. After one last campaign against the Goths in mid-271, all affairs were settled in central Europe, and Aurelian determined to recover the many provinces that had been lost to Palmyra in the East and the Gallo-Romans in the West.
His first task was the recovery of Asia and Egypt, which had been seized by Zenobia and Vabalathus largely during the reign of Claudius II. Very early in his reign, Aurelian had granted the Palmyrene queen and king the titles they desired, and even had struck coinage jointly with Vabalathus at Antioch and Alexandria. But now Aurelian was ready to wage war, and so he led his army into Asia late in 271 or, more likely, in the spring of 272. Aurelian liberated one city after another in Asia Minor and, near Antioch and Emesa, routed the armies of Palmyra. Vabalathus, Zenobia and the remaining armies took refuge in their capital city of Palmyra, where they surrendered in 272 after a brief siege. Meanwhile, the future emperor Probus recovered Egypt.
Aurelian then marched back to Europe with his two royal captives and battled the Carpi in a decisive campaign. The Asiatic troubles had not ended, however, for another revolt had sparked in Palmyra under the leadership of Antiochus, who was probably a descendant of Odaenathus. Aurelian returned to crush the new revolt, after which the Romans leveled the Palmyrenesí capital (which never recovered its former glory), and ousted their supporter in Alexandria, Firmius.
After returning Asia and Egypt to the Roman yoke, Aurelianís next task was to achieve the same in Gaul, Britain and the two Germanies, which formed the separatist Romano-Gallic Empire. Since its foundation in 260 by Postumus, the fortunes of this Empire had fallen greatly, and it seems that Aurelian was not only able to arrange the surrender of its two Augusti, Tetricus I and Tetricus II, in advance, but was actually invited to invade and ìliberateî them.
Thus, instead of fighting an Empire that was at its peak of power (as had been the case with Palmyra), Aurelian was prepared for an easy conquest. However, a battle was still required ó at least to achieve the illusion that there was a struggle for independence. The Roman and Gallo-Roman armies met not far from Paris, at Châlons-sur-Marne, in the spring of 274. Though the battle was harder-fought than Aurelian may have anticipated, he was victorious in the end, and captured the Tetrici for use in his triumph.
Aurelian could now rightly claim to be the most successful emperor since Trajan more than 150 years before, and he was not modest about taking credit where it was due. Later that year he returned to Rome and celebrated his grand triumph, at which he hailed his wife, Severina, Augusta, paraded his royal captives, and styled himself the ìrestorer of the worldî (restitutor orbis). But much of his success had gone to his head, for he declared himself ìgod and lordî (deus et dominus), reflected in the unusual coin inscription Deo Et Domino Nato Avreliano Avg, which meant Aurelian was ìborn God and Master.î
Late in 274, Aurelian set out to repel the Juthungi in Raetia, and in the summer of 275 marched east toward his next most desired campaign, the conquest of Persia. But he fell victim to his own strict discipline when he reprimanded his secretary, Eros, who, in fear of punishment, convinced some high-ranking officers that Aurelian intended to put them to death. Naturally, they struck first, and Aurelian was murdered in October or November of 275 at Caenophrurium (near Perinthus) while making ready to cross into Asia. Much beloved by his soldiers, Aurelian was deified by the senate, which is said to have resented his harsh authority. But few men in Roman history so richly deserved the high honors Aurelian received. In five energetic years he restored the integrity and the vast territories of the Empire.
Not all of the crises Aurelian faced were in the Balkans or in far-flung provinces. One ìrevoltî of special interest to numismatists occurred in Rome itself. This abortive rebellion was sparked by disgruntled mint workers who, under the leadership of a certain Felicissimus and with soldiers of their own, took up a defensive position on the Caelian hill. In the bitter fighting that ensued, the leadership of Aurelian himself was required, and as many as 7,000 soldiers died. Historians have attributed the revolt to either 271 or 274. In the former case it would probably have resulted from an effort to prevent profiteering from excessive debasement, whereas in the latter case it no doubt would have been in response to his coinage reforms, which were so closely regulated that very little opportunity remained for profiteering.
In addition to his reform of the coinage (which is discussed below), Aurelian also tried to regulate prices and assure delivery and affordability of staple products. In this respect he was much like Diocletian, who applied similar ideas on a larger scale. He also went to great lengths to formalize the worship of the sun, and its chief deity, Sol. In so doing, he built a grand temple to Sol in Rome and laid a foundation for pagan solar worship and Mithraism, which Constantine the Great would so effectively ìfuseî with early Christianity about four decades later.
NUMISMATIC NOTE: Aurelian initiated a major reform of the Empireís coinage in the spring of 274 (at which point he also began to issue coins in the name of his wife, Severina). His reform was important enough so that even two centuries later it was praised by the historian Zosimus. At sensibly reduced weights and purities he reintroduced denarii, double-sestertii and sestertii (the latter two are usually called sestertii and asses, see the section on denominations), all three of which had been largely abandoned by his predecessors. Curiously, though (considering all of his reintroduced denominations), Aurelian seems to have abandoned the billon quinarius, an obscure ceremonial denomination.
Aurelianís most important contribution by far was the reform of the ailing double-denarius, which had become a negligible item under Gallienus, Claudius II and Quintillus. No doubt the recovery of the East, and thus its revenues, allowed Aurelian to revamp his ìsilverî coinage. Many scholars refer to his reformed double-denarius as an aurelianianus. The name change truly is necessary because, though it maintained most familiar aspects of the double-denarius, it was indeed a different coin from the double-denarius that it replaced. The aurelianianus was an improvement in every way: weight was increased, the planchet was made broader and round in shape, and the silver content was increased to 4.5 to 5 percent. Even the die-cutting was greatly improved.
The meaning of the marks XXI or KA (20:1 in Latin and Greek, respectively) that appear on the reverse of the aurelianianus has been much-debated among scholars. One explanation is that it means a l/20th part (5 percent), and thus the ratio of silver to base metal. Other explanations have been offered (such as the evaluation of the aurelianianus at 20 reduced sestertii), but the former seems most convincing because of its sheer simplicity and apparent accuracy. Aurelian struck his aurelianiani in immense quantities in an effort to replace the heavily debased double-denarii that he concurrently was withdrawing from circulation. Regrettably, Aurelianís life was cut short not long after his reform began. His new aurelianianus was maintained (in appearance, at least) until the reign of Diocletian, but his other ìreintroducedî denominations failed to effectively take hold under his successors.
Provincial coinage was struck with much less frequency after the reign of Gallienus. Even so, it did not escape Aurelianís attention and, in the opinion of some, it actually ceased to be struck on a large scale due to the proliferation of low-value double-denarii and aurelianiani, which eliminated the need. It is worth noting that certain bronzes of southeastern Asia Minor already in circulation were revaluated with countermarks, indicating in assaria their new denomination.
As was so often the case, the productive mint at Alexandria proved to be an exception to the rule. The potin tetradrachm of Alexandria remained a staple in Egypt for the next two decades, and Aurelian ìreformedî it by reducing its weight by between 15% and 20%, and by withdrawing the earlier, heavier pieces from circulation. In this case, Aurelian pursued exactly the opposite theory that he applied to the Imperial coinage (in which he made the new coins more valuable, and withdrew the lesser-value pieces from circulation). It is also of note that Aurelian uses seven regnal years at Alexandria, but he only ruled for six calendar years. Thus, it has been suggested by W. Metcalf (ìAurelianís reform at Alexandriaî in Studies in Greek Numismatics in Memory of Martin Jessop Price) that Aurelian ëcompressedí his regnal years around the time the coinage was jointly being produced for Vabalathus. Seemingly, Aurelianís coins dated years 2 (B) and 3 (√) both fall within the regnal year that began on August 29, 271 and ended that same time in 272. Alternatively, both year 1 and year 2 tetradrachms would belong to 270 if the Egyptian papyrus cited by Grant (see the Chronological Note for Quintillus) can be taken as evidence of Aurelian ascending the throne before August 29, 270, when regnal years in Egypt began.
SEVERINA
AUGUSTA, A.D. 274ñ275
WIFE OF AURELIAN
Ulpia Severina, lifespan unknown. Regrettably little is known of Severina, a lady who is abundantly represented on coinage. Her family history is uncertain, but she may have been the daughter of Ulpius Crinitus, a renowned general who served under Valerian and who is said to have adopted Aurelian (in which case he may have betrothed his daughter to Aurelian).
In any event, her name indicates that she belonged to the Spanish family from which Trajan hailed, and thus was presumably related in some manner to Laelianus, the usurper who seems to have conspired with Claudius II in an attempt to overthrow Postumus in 269. Severina was hailed Augusta in 274 on the occasion of her husbands glorious triumph in Rome. Historians have long believed that she and the senate maintained the government for a period of up to six-months following the murder of Aurelian, but this does not appear to be based in historical fact. The numismatic evidence indicates that Severina issued coins at some mints after the issues for her husband had ceased, but it is not likely that the ëinterregnumí between the murder of Aurelian and the accession of Tacitus lasted more than a few weeks. Of the subsequent fate of Severina and her daughter (whose name is not preserved) nothing is known.
NUMISMATIC NOTE: Imperial coinage in the name of Severina was struck only after she was hailed Augusta in 274. With the exception of Antioch (where her coins may have been struck as early as April, 274), her coins were not minted until the fall of 274 at the earliest. Similarly, at Alexandria her provincial coinage bears only the regnal years 6 and 7 ó the reform years of Aurelianís coinage there. The authors of RIC note that Severinaís final issues at Rome, Ticinum and Antioch are struck at all officinae of those mints, whereas the prior output had been shared by husband and wife. The bulk of Severinaís final aurelianiani depict Concordia standing, holding two military standards; the symbolism of the type is significant if indeed she was at the helm alone. At Alexandria, Severinaís tetradrachms dated year 7 (the final year of issue) are at least twice as common as those of the same date struck in her husbandís name. Metcalf (ìAurelianís reform at Alexandriaî in Studies in Greek Numismatics in Memory of Martin Jessop Price) notes that almost the entire difference in the population of year 7 Alexandrian tetradrachms is accounted for by a single reverse type for Severina: an eagle standing left ó which, not inconsequentially, is a type which Aurelian himself did not strike in year 7.
TACITUS A.D. 275ñ276
HALF-BROTHER OF FLORIAN
Marcus Claudius Tacitus, c. A.D. 200(?)ñ276. One of several emperors of the 3rd Century who claimed to have had important ancestors, Marcus Tacitus is said to have been a descendant of the most famous of all Roman historians, Cornelius Tacitus, who wrote his histories principally during the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian. But like much of the history recorded for the late 3rd Century, this story must be read with due skepticism.
The fiction begins with the idea that the murder of Aurelian so reviled the army that they begged the senate to select the new emperor on their behalf. The fiction continues that during an interregnum of perhaps as long as six months, the senate eventually selected a 75-year-old senator named Tacitus, who hailed from a noble Umbrian family and possessed a personal fortune of some 280 million sestertii. Having already been consul twice, and being a consul designate for 276, Tacitus accepted the burden of supreme power with great reluctance due to his advanced age.
In point of fact, the story reads like pure fiction. Recent revisions of the chronology of Aurelianís final year indicate that there was little or no time for an interregnum (for he seems to have been killed in October or November, not in April as was formerly believed). Indeed, it is far more likely that Tacitus was simply another Illyrian soldier whom the army lured out of retirement. Some historians even find the idea that Tacitus was so elderly untenable, and they believe rather that he was probably in his fifties. On the lighter side, we are told that he was fond of marbles, exotic glassware, and that he ate lettuce in large quantities, preferring it to other vegetables.
Once Tacitus assumed power in October or November of 275, he had Aurelian deified and is said to have enacted a number of beneficial laws and imposed capital punishment on all of the murderers of Aurelian who could be identified. Of his wife and several sons, we know nothing. However, he did make his half-brother, Florian, his praetorian prefect, and despite serious incursions along the Rhine and Danube by the Franks, Longiones and the Alemanni, the brothers marched east to the Balkans, where they gathered the army which Aurelian had already outfitted for a campaign in Asia.
Instead of marching against the Sasanians, however, they faced the more urgent task of repelling the Heruli and other piratic Goths, who had once again raided Asia Minor. The tribes entered in Pontus and Cappadocia, and advanced as far south as Cilicia before Tacitus and Florian could begin to combat them. The most distressing aspect of this invasion was the fact that Aurelian had mustered these barbarians as allies for his anticipated war on Persia, and in the meantime they had turned to piracy.
After some considerable success (including an important victory in Cilicia), Tacitus died at Tyana in Cappadocia in June or July 276. Accounts vary concerning the cause of his death. Indeed, he may have died of fever, fallen victim to murderers of Aurelian who had escaped persecution, or perished in a mutiny instigated by unfair taxes levied by a relative of his named Maximinus whom he had appointed governor of Syria (and who himself was murdered).
NUMISMATIC NOTE: Tacitus was the last emperor to issue provincial coinage outside of the Egyptian mint of Alexandria, which continued to strike for another two decades. Some of his aurelianiani may have reached 10% silver content, for they bear in their exergue the markings XI or IA (meaning 10:1 in Latin and Greek, respectively).
FLORIAN A.D. 276
HALF-BROTHER OF TACITUS
Marcus Annius Florianus, d. A.D. 276. The three-month reign of Florian was truly insignificant. The 4th Century historian Eutropius best summed it up by declaring Florian as an emperor ìÖ who did nothing worth remembering.î By far the most interesting aspect of his reign is how its circumstances almost exactly parallel those of Quintillus, who reigned for a similarly brief period in 270.
When Florianís maternal half-brother, Tacitus, was hailed emperor in 275, Florian was chosen as praetorian prefect, and together they led an expedition into Asia Minor to expel the Goths who were making piratic raids into Ponus, Cappadocia and Cilicia. When Tacitus died in June or July 276, of uncertain cause at Tyana, Florian was hailed emperor by the soldiers in his place. Afterward, the senate in Rome and most of the provinces confirmed his appointment. Florian next seems to have engaged the Goths one last time. However, more serious troubles to the South soon claimed his attention. The Syrian and Egyptian armies did not approve of Florian, and had hailed instead their own general, Probus (another soldier of Illyrian origin), as rival emperor. Florian marched south through the Cilician Gates to Tarsus, where he awaited the legions of Probus then advancing north. Although Florianís army was larger, it was in poor health due to the extreme climate, whereas Probusí smaller army was local and thus was accustomed to the heat.
After engaging in a skirmish, Probus wisely avoided a pitched battle and waited for the heat to take its toll on the Balkan legions led by Florian. With the passage of time, Florianís legions were persuaded by the enemy to avoid a senseless civil war by deposing their own candidate. Finding wisdom in the proposal, the very soldiers who had hailed Florian emperor less than three months before murdered him. Though his death seems to have occurred in August or September of 276, some historians prefer a slightly earlier date.
PROBUS A.D. 276ñ282
Marcus Aurelius Probus, A.D. 232ñ282. Much like his Illyrian predecessor Aurelian, Probus was hailed emperor by his own legions ó in his case only a couple of weeks after the legitimate emperor, Florian, had been confirmed. The times were unstable, and in the previous few months three other emperors had perished, making Probus the fourth man within a single year to don the purple.
Civil war had cost Rome its security beginning in the 240s, and even now threatened to erase the impressive gains made by Aurelian. Vigorous action was required to rescue the Empire from another perilous slide, and Rome was fortunate that Probus had come into power. Probus was one of Aurelianís most effective generals, and it was he who recovered Egypt from Palmyrene control in 272 (though another man named Tenagino Probus had failed to liberate Egypt two or three years earlier). Subsequently, Probus gained command of Roman armies in the East, and it was from this position of power, in Syria and Egypt, that he staked his claim against Florian in the summer of 276.
From the very outset of the civil war, Probus demonstrated the military genius that would make his reign a success. Although he engaged in a skirmish with the larger forces of Florian, Probus avoided a pitched battle, relying instead on the summer heat and the seeds of discontent to win the battle. The strategy paid off, and in August or September of 276, Florian was murdered by his own troops, leaving Probus in full command. The senate, none too pleased at the turn of events, soon gave its approval.
That bloodshed was avoided was fortunate for Probus, since he would need every soldier the Empire had during the next six years. The first half of Probusí reign was spent defending the Empire against external invasion, whereas the second half was largely devoted to suppressing revolts from within. The first problem he faced was a massive invasion of Gaul and neighboring provinces by the Franks and other Germanic tribes, such as the Burgundians, Alemanni and Senones.
Some of these invasions had begun about the time Aurelian was murdered, but were ignored by the new emperor, Tacitus, who instead led an expedition against Gothic pirates in Asia Minor. The incursions across the Rhine and Upper Danube had now become critical, especially in Gaul, where they were no longer the typical border raids that that province experienced with some regularity, but the most severe destruction that had occurred there in about three centuries. Thus, Probus was forced to make the long and arduous journey from Cilicia to Gaul.
He wintered in Siscia en route. There he defeated the Goths and did much to restore the Balkan region before he continued his westward trek, visiting Rome along the way. He arrived in Gaul in the spring of 277 and spent two years pacifying the border provinces at great expense. In the process he recovered Raetia and defeated the Vandals in Illyricum. Throughout these campaigns Probus was always outnumbered by the invaders. The magnitude of his achievement cannot be underestimated. Next, he marched east to the Lower Danube where, in 279, he defeated the Getae and then visited Siscia and, in an Aurelianic fashion, declared himself ìrestorer of the world and of the army.î
Just when he had settled affairs in Europe, Probus hastened to Asia Minor, where he fought a particularly brutal campaign against Lydius the Isaurian, who was leading his band of robbers on piratic raids in Pisidia, Pamphylia and Lycia. Meanwhile further east, two revolts erupted which, it seems, were handled by Probusí subordinates. The first of these occurred in Syria under Julius Saturninus, who seems to have been the local governor, and the second was brought about in Upper Egypt by a Nubian people called the Blemmyae. Probus then wintered in Antioch, and while in Asia perhaps signed a treaty with the Sasanian king Varhran II (276ñ293), resulting in the emperorís assumption of the title Persicus maximus.
Having visited most of his great Empire by 280 (he had gone from the Syrian border to Gaul and back again), Probus had achieved peace on the same grand scale as Aurelian. However, new troubles arose in the far west, and in a virtual repeat of when he was hailed emperor four years before, Probus traveled all the way back to Gaul. Along the way, he paused to settle about 100,000 Scythians within Roman territories.
The most serious of the western revolts was staged at Cologne by the generals Bonosus and Proculus, while a less destructive one was led by the governor of Britain, who was speedily suppressed by an officer named Victorinus. Putting down the revolt of Bonosus and Proculus was a very difficult task, but after several months of bitter warfare, Probus emerged victorious.
After a great many accomplishments rivaling those of Aurelian, Probus entered Rome late in 281 and celebrated his hard-earned triumphs. He sponsored lavish games in which thousands of exotic animals, captives and gladiators perished to the delight of the Roman spectators. After the festivities ended, Probus departed Rome and prepared to lead his army on the conquest of Persia that Aurelian had been ready to launch before his own unexpected murder.
But just as Probus was ready to depart Illyricum, a rebellion led by Marcus Aurelius Carus, his praetorian prefect, broke out in Raetia and Noricum. Underestimating the seriousness of the uprising, Probus sent an army led by subordinates to crush the revolt, only to learn that they had defected to the enemyís cause. Upon hearing this, the remaining soldiers in Illyria, having tired of iron discipline and civilian projects, murdered Probus in September of 282 in a look-out tower outside Sirmium, only a few miles from where historians tell us he had been born a half century before.
Probus had many accomplishments beyond the realm of war, for he devoted a great amount of effort to restoring the prosperity of regions that had been ravaged since the reign of Gallienus, principally Gaul and the Balkans. Although his most visible achievement was the completion of the circuit wall around Rome that was begun by Aurelian, he also drained marshes on the Danube and Nile, and introduced viticulture in Gaul and the Danubian region. To accomplish these ambitious projects, Probus put his soldiers to civilian work when they were not occupied by war. Although this was of great benefit to the people, the army found it exhausting and degrading.
The parallels between the reigns of Probus and Aurelian are as remarkable as those between the ephemeral reigns of Quintillus and Florian. Both men reigned for about the same duration, traveled tirelessly throughout their Empire, after which they both celebrated a grand triumph in Rome. And just when each prepared to embark on his most ambitious conquest yet ó that of Persia ó both of these great men were cut down in the Balkans by their own soldiers, the result of their harsh brand of discipline.
NUMISMATIC NOTE: Though historians tell us Probus was born in Sirmium, his unusual coinage commemorating Siscia has invited speculation that this city (some 170 miles to the west of Sirmium) is his true place of birth. Of all coinages of the Roman emperors, that of Probus offers the greatest variety of obverse types, including unusual inscriptions and elaborate busts. Indeed, coinage types that would be considered unusually ornate during other reigns are absolutely commonplace. The mint marks are also complex, creating thousands of varieties. Because of the military nature of his reign, Probusí coins offer heavily armored obverse types and warlike reverse types. Additionally, since he traveled so widely, he has an unusually large number of Adventus types.
SATURNINUS A.D. 280
(Gaius(?) or Sextus (?)) Julius Saturninus, d. A.D. 280. Among the generals who rebelled against Probus, Saturninus provides us with perhaps the greatest mystery. A man reportedly of Moorish or Gallic extraction, he should not be confused with the Publius Sempronius Saturninus who is said to have revolted in the East during the reign of Gallienus.
Sources often place his revolt in Egypt, where it may well have started (and as a result, it perhaps sparked the contemporary revolt of the Blemmyae on the Upper Nile). But considering he was either the governor of Syria or simply a general operating in that region, the location more likely was Antioch. We can be relatively certain that Saturninus revolted at the behest of his soldiers, for the numismatic evidence shows that he sought the approval of Probus, who then was in Pisidia waging war against the pirate Lydius the Isaurian. After a very brief reign that ended in a siege by armies loyal to Probus, Saturninus was killed by his own soldiers.
NUMISMATIC NOTE: In addition to the aurei Saturninus struck in his own name, he appears also to have struck aurei in the name of Probus with the reverse inscription ending in AVGG, a wishful gesture in the hope that he and Probus could reconcile.
PROCULUS, C. A.D. 280ñ281
Titus Aelius(?) Proculus, died c. A.D. 281. Perhaps the most serious revolt during the reign of Probus occurred in Gaul in 280. Though Probus had pacified Gaul in 277 and 278, the destruction was considerable and the region was far from recovered by the time the emperor marched east to pacify the Danubian district. Indeed, Gaul had only been reclaimed from the separatist Romano-Gallic emperors since 274.
Thus, for all the progress made by Aurelian and Probus, there was still ample cause for revolt among a population which had suffered almost endless revolution and invasion in the last two decades. While Probus was on the opposite side of the Roman world (near the border of Syria), the Gauls rebelled, hailing two generals, Titus Aelius Proculus and Quintus Bonosus, as joint emperors at Cologne. It is not certain whether their revolts began jointly, but there is little doubt that they soon joined forces.
Bonosus is said to have been of British descent, though his mother was Gaulish. As commander of the Rhine fleet at Cologne, he apparently lost a squadron to the Germans through his own carelessness and revolted out of fear of the punishment awaiting him. During the earliest stages of the revolt (when Proculus may have gained the allegiance of Lugdunum), it appeared as though their support would not waiver, but shortly after Probus arrived in person it lost momentum.
Probus eventually defeated the two rebels in separate engagements near Cologne, after which Bonosus is believed to have committed suicide. The circumstances of Proculusí death are less certain, for he either perished in battle or fled to the Franks (with whom he either sought or had already obtained some kind of alliance), who promptly delivered him to Probus for execution. A rebellion by the governor of Britain appears to have also fired up at the same time, but it was quickly suppressed by one of Probusí commanders named Victorinus.
NUMISMATIC NOTE: The coinages associated with this revolt have long been a source of debate. The double-denarii attributed to Bonosus are now generally dismissed as altered or misdescribed ìbarbarous radiates.î However, the case for Proculus ó whose coinage was unknown until very recently ó is perhaps stronger. His coinage seems to be represented by a single specimen which many authorities accept as genuine: a silver-washed double-denarius of a crude style reminiscent of the later products of the Romano-Gallic Empire.
CARUS A.D. 282ñ283
AUGUSTUS: A.D. 282ñ283
(A.D. 282ñ283: SOLE REIGN)
(A.D. 283: WITH CARINUS AND NUMERIAN)
FATHER OF CARINUS AND NUMERIAN
FATHER-IN-LAW OF MAGNIA URBICA
GRANDFATHER OF NIGRINIAN
Marcus Aurelius Carus (or Numerius(?)), c. A.D. 224/30ñ283. Little is known of the early career of Carus, whom the emperor Probus made his praetorian prefect in 276. Although some ancient historians suggest Carus was born in Illyricum, others, more reliably, tell us he was born at Narbo, a quiet town on the southern coast of Gaul. As such, his short-lived dynasty represents a temporary break in the Illyrian line of emperors. The name of his wife is not known, though he did have a daughter, named Aurelia Paulina, and two sons, Carinus and Numerian, both of whom were associated with his principate.
Early in September of 282, just as Probus had restored order in the Roman world and was preparing to invade Persia, Carus was hailed emperor by legions in Raetia and Noricum, two neighboring provinces that spanned the Alps and the Upper Danube. Carus came to power with remarkable ease, for the Empireís soldiers had tired of the strict discipline and civilian work details enforced by Probus. Thus the armies Probus had sent to overthrow Carus joined his cause, and Probus was consequently murdered outside Sirmium later that month.
Historians disagree about whether Carus was in the Alpine provinces or was near Sirmium at the time of his accession, and further dispute whether he visited Rome before marching east. Carusí first orders of business were to demand the approval of the senate and to establish his dynasty by giving the rank of Caesar to his eldest son, Carinus, in October, and to his youngest son, Numerian, shortly thereafter ó seemingly in November or December.
The duties of government were formally divided among family members. The eldest son, Carinus, was to rule in the West while his father and younger brother prepared to invade Persia. The latter two campaigned in Pannonia, where that winter they defeated the Quadi and the Sarmatians before departing to Asia. They had reached Antioch (their last stop before invading Persian territory) by February or March of 283, where it seems both Carinus and Numerian were raised from Caesars to Augusti.
The much-anticipated Persian campaign that followed was a great success in which Seleucia and the capital Ctesiphon were taken. The campaign was not necessary, for the Sasanians had not been a threat to Rome since the death of Shapur I in 272. Indeed, it seems to have been an expedition of glory and revenge, for Shapur had mercilessly ravaged the Roman East for three decades. Its success was due largely to the incompetence of the king, Varhran II (274/6ñ293), whose position was further weakened by civil war with his brother, Hormazd. In any case, both Aurelian and Probus had been prevented from conquering Persia by their sudden murders, and at long last, Carus and Numerian were able to claim the honor that had eluded those two great soldiers.
With the campaign being won so easily, the Romans planned to march well past the capital, deep into Sasanian territory. But the armies halted near Ctesiphon when the supreme commander, Carus, was discovered dead, some say in his command tent, along the banks of the Tigris. Carus died, we are told, of a lightning strike, but most historians attribute his death to the treachery of the praetorian prefect Aper, the man who also seems to have killed Numerian on the return journey. Though Carus probably died in July of 283 (after a 10-month reign), many historians prefer a later date, such as August or November.
NUMISMATIC NOTE: Though Carus earned the title Parthicus for his leading role in the Persian campaign, this title only appeares on coins struck for him posthumously, for his death (whatever the cause) was sudden. Occasionally his name is spelled in the Greek form KARVS instead of the Latin CARVS.
CARINUS A.D. 283ñ285
CAESAR: A.D. 282ñ283
(UNDER CARUS, WITH NUMERIAN)
AUGUSTUS: A.D. 283ñ285
(A.D. 283: WITH CARUS AND NUMERIAN)
(A.D. 283ñ284: WITH NUMERIAN)
(A.D. 284ñ285: SOLE REIGN, IN OPPOSITION TO DIOCLETIAN)
SON OF CARUS
BROTHER OF NUMERIAN
HUSBAND OF MAGNIA URBICA
FATHER OF NIGRINIAN
Marcus Aurelius Carinus, c. A.D. 250ñ285. In Carinus we find one of the most maligned of all emperors, for the ancient historians have nothing positive to say about him. To a large degree this can be attributed to the fact that he was succeeded by Diocletian, a man who assumed his power unlawfully as a usurper, and subsequently held power for more than two decades. Be that as it may, in so damning a character appraisal there may exist a core of truth.
Carinus is accused of many forms of treacherous and debauched behavior, but the most scathing reviews are of his rampant bisexuality. He is condemned as a corrupter of youth, who filled his courts with harlots, actors and pimps. In the realm of marital relations, the reviews are no better, for he is said to have had nine wives in all, abandoning some of them while with child. Not surprisingly, he is said to have been an insatiable adulterer ó a vice that proved to be the motivation for his assassination in the heat of battle.
As the eldest son of the newly declared emperor Carus, Carinus was given command of the western half of the Empire so his father and younger brother, Numerian, could launch an offensive against Persia. Carinus was hailed Caesar in October 282 and was designated to hold the consulship of 283 with his father. Late in 282, Carus and Numerian led a campaign against the Quadi and the Sarmatians, after which they crossed into Asia, never to see Carinus again.
Carinus was soon occupied with a war in Gaul, where he repelled an invasion by Germans on the Rhine early in 283. He then returned to Rome, where he was hailed Augustus (as his younger brother had been at Antioch), and seems to have married Magnia Urbica, who was hailed Augusta. His next task was to repel an invasion of the Quadi along the Danube, after which he held his second consulate, this time with his brother, Numerian, for their father, Carus, had died sometime between July and November of 283.
Meanwhile in 284, Numerian was leading his victorious armies west in anticipation of a meeting with Carinus at Cyzicus. About this time, Carinus was conducting a war in Britain, for which he earned the title Britannicus maximus. But the unfortunate Numerian died en route in October or November, only a weekís march from the location of the brothersí would-be summit meeting. Numerianís death was blamed on his praetorian prefect and father-in-law, Aper, who was executed by the commander of the guard, Diocletian. Since the soldiers apparently disliked Carinus, they hailed Diocletian emperor in opposition to him.
What no doubt would have been a productive meeting between brothers was now replaced by a perilous situation in which Carinus gained a formidable rival at the head of a large, hostile army. Throwing his lot into the middle of this chaos was another rival, named Julian, the governor of Venetia (Venice) who had been hailed emperor by the armies of Pannonia late in 284.
The two western rivals met near Verona in northern Italy early in 285, where Carinus defeated Julian, thus ending his two- or three-month usurpation. Carinus was now ready for the next contender, Diocletian, who had advanced into Moesia shortly after Julian perished. The battle occurred at Margum (not far from modern Belgrade) sometime between the early spring and late summer of 285. Though Carinus may actually have been on the verge of defeating Diocletian, he was assassinated in the midst of the battle by one of his own officers, whose wife he had reputedly seduced.
The death of Carinus brought an end to a short-lived dynasty, and ushered in a new, formidable era in Roman politics, spearheaded by Diocletian. In imitation of his predecessor, Diocletian soon shared his authority so as to make the defense of his vast Empire practicable.
NUMISMATIC NOTE: Carinus ó evil though he seems to have been ó went to great lengths to honor his family, for he not only issued coins in the name of his wife, Magnia Urbica, but also struck coins posthumously in honor of his father and brother, and for a boy, Nigrinian, who was presumably his son.
MAGNIA URBICA
AUGUSTA, A.D. 283ñ285
WIFE OF CARINUS
MOTHER(?) OF NIGRINIAN
DAUGHTER-IN-LAW OF CARUS
SISTER-IN-LAW OF NUMERIAN
Magnia Urbica, d. A.D. 285(1). Magnia Urbica is not mentioned by any ancient author, and is known only from her coinage and a few inscriptions. As such, nothing of substance is known of her, except that she was the wife of Carinus. She seems to have been married to Carinus in mid-283, upon which she was also hailed Augusta. At least one historian suggests she died in 285, when her husband was defeated and the memory of the short-lived dynasty was condemned.
The authors of the Historia Augusta almost certainly exaggerate when they report that Carinus had married nine women, for they are especially hostile toward this aspect of his life. One passage reads: ìCarinus was the most polluted of men, an adulterer and constant corrupter of youth Ö and even made evil use of the enjoyment of his own sex. Ö By marrying and divorcing he took nine wives in all, and he put away some while they were still pregnant.î Regardless of the quantities involved, it seems that Magnia Urbica was his last wife.
NUMISMATIC NOTE: Some of Magnia Urbicaís coin inscriptions occur in the honorary dative case rather than the customary nominative case, and thus indicate that the coins are ìdedicated toî the empress. Her coins are limited to later issues of European mints, some of which were struck concurrently with the Divo Numerian issues at Rome. Helping to prove her association with Carinus are a quinarius and a gold medallion that depict both of their busts. Her denarii and quinarii are very rare.
NIGRINIAN
SON OF CARINUS AND(?) MAGNIA URBICA
GRANDSON OF CARUS
NEPHEW OF NUMERIAN
Nigrinian, d. before A.D. 283. Like Magnia Urbica, who seems to have been his mother, Nigrinian is not mentioned in ancient literature. However, an inscription reveals that he was the grandson of Carus, and the numismatic evidence assures us that he was the son of Carinus, for it was very late in that emperorís reign that coins were struck for the deified boy. If the child was born to Magnia Urbica (Carinusí final wife), he must have died in infancy.
NUMISMATIC NOTE: Nigrinianís coins are of considerable rarity, and appear to have been struck only at Rome. On certain of his aurelianiani, he is shown bare-chested in a heroic pose. Deceptive 20th Century forgeries (commonly known by the name ëThe Geneva Forgeriesí) exist of the coinage of Nigrinian and four other issuers. Many of the known examples are illustrated and described by R. A. G. Carson in the 1958 Numismatic Chronicle, pp. 47ñ58, pis. VñVI. An offprint of the article was published in 1977.
NUMERIAN A.D. 283ñ284
CAESAR: A.D. 282ñ283
(UNDER CARUS, WITH CARINUS)
AUGUSTUS: A.D. 283ñ284
(A.D. 283: WITH CARUS AND CARINUS)
(A.D. 283ñ284: WITH CARINUS)
SON OF CARUS
BROTHER OF CARINUS
UNCLE OF NIGRINIAN
Marcus Aurelius Numerius Numerianus, c. A.D. 253/4ñ284. As the youngest son of the Gallic-born Carus, Numerian was destined to share command in the Empire after his father overthrew the emperor Probus in September, 282. Ancient historians are unanimous in their appraisal of Numerian as a man unsuited to war, but remarkably accomplished in poetry and oratory.
After Carusí accession was ratified by the senate late in 282, he established his dynasty by giving the rank of Caesar in October to his eldest son, Carinus, whom he left in command of the West. Meanwhile, Carus and Numerian repelled an invasion of Pannonia led by the Quadi and the Sarmatians, in which it is said 16,000 barbarians perished. It was either during or at the end of this campaign that Numerian was also hailed Caesar, seemingly in November or December.
Carus and Numerian departed to Asia in December, 282 or early in 283, and reached Antioch in February or March of 283. At this time both Carinus and Numerian were raised to the rank of Augustus. Since Carinus was safeguarding Europe, his father and brother could embark on the Persian campaign knowing that they would not have to abandon their offensive midway to settle disturbances there.
The heyday of Persian military might had long passed, and the current king, Varhran II, was not only an ineffective ruler, but also was distracted by a dynastic contender, his brother Hormazd. Not surprisingly, the Roman campaign was a great success, and the capital Ctesiphon was sacked. However, before further advances could be made, the supreme commander, Carus, died not far from Ctesiphon, sometime between July and November of 283.
Ancient historians tell us he died from a lightning strike, but modern historians have rightfully suspected assassination, despite there being no evidence for it. The prime suspect is the praetorian prefect Aper, who was also the father-in-law of Numerian. Command of the army was now taken up by the approximately 30-year-old Numerian, who then shared the Empire with his brother Carinus.
Disheartened and not suited to the rigors of war, Numerian soon negotiated peace with Varhran II, who was only too willing to agree to an unfavorable treaty. It is uncertain whether Numerian spent the winter of 283/4 campaigning in Sasanian territory or led his armies back to Syria. In either case, his desire to leave Persia was motivated not only by his own temperament but also by his fatherís death and the fact that the campaign had already come to a successful conclusion.
Early in 284 the army embarked on the slow, arduous trek back toward Europe, where Numerian intended to meet with his brother. But this was not to be, for Numerian died en route in October or November of 284 near Nicomedia, only about 125 milesí march from Cyzicus, where the reunion was to take place. Indeed, Numerian had been dead for several days before the stench of his corpse revealed his fate to the columns of soldiers who followed his closed litter.
The natural suspect was Aper, who in recent days had claimed the emperor purposely remained hidden in his covered litter for the health of his eyes, which were afflicted by a debilitating infection. It is not certain whether Numerian died of natural causes or was murdered. In any case, his death was blamed on Aper, who was swiftly executed by the commander of the bodyguard, Diocles (Diocletian), who was subsequently hailed emperor in Numerianís place. Diocletian, who may have participated in Numerianís murder, thus emerged as a rival to Carinus, whom the soldiers disliked.
NUMISMATIC NOTE: Even though Carinus struck coins posthumously honoring Numerian, the overture did not win the support of the eastern armies, who had declared their support for Diocletian.
JULIAN OF PANNONIA A.D. 284ñ285
Marcus Aurelius Sabinus Julianus, d. A.D. 285. When Numerian died in the East in the fall of 284, the Empire was split between the rival factions of his elder brother, Carinus, in the West, and the prefect Diocletian, who had been hailed in place of Numerian in the East. Thrown into the middle of this rivalry was Julian, the governor of Venetia (Venice) in north-eastern Italy, whose own revolt formed in Pannonia.
Since Julianís revolt took shape in the region surrounding Siscia, it was Carinus who had inherited the problem. The two western rivals confronted each other near Verona, where Julian was defeated early in 285. Though some sources place the battle in Illyricum, and others suggest it occurred in December of 284, we can be certain that Julianís revolt occupied two or three months, and that it most likely lasted from November, 284 through early February, 285. After the battle, Carinus absorbed into his own army Julianís soldiers whom he desperately needed for the upcoming war with Diocletian, who already had crossed over from Asia.
NUMISMATIC NOTE: Like many short-lived usurpers, no provincial coins were struck for Julian, whose coinage is limited to aurei and aurelianiani of the Siscia mint, which he controlled during his usurpation. It would seem that perhaps 30 of his aurei are known. The coinage of Julian was counterfeited by the maker of The Geneva Forgeries.í See the note for the coinage of Nigrinian for details.
