François in captivity — His letter to his mother — Critical situation of France: energetic measures of Louise of Savoy — Demands of Charles V — The King is removed to Spain— Truce of six months granted by the Emperor — François's journey to Madrid — His rigorous imprisonment in the Alcazar — He falls seriously ill, and is visited by Charles V — Arrival of the Duchesse d'Alencon (Marguerite d'Angoulême) — The King is believed to be dying: scene at his bedside — His recovery — Negotiations at Toledo: the Emperor insists on the cession of Burgundy — François announces his intention of abdicating in favour of the Dauphin, but changes his mind and directs the French envoys to accede to the Emperor's demands — Treaty of Madrid — Stipulation that the two elder sons of the King, or the Dauphin and twelve of the principal personages of the kingdom, are to be delivered up as hostages — Charles V's reasons for consenting to the release of his rival considered — François swears to execute the treaty, but makes a formal protest against it privately — Betrothal of the King to the Emperor's eldest sister, Eleanor, Queen-Dowager of Portugal — He remains a prisoner in the Alcazar — Meeting between him and the Emperor — Visit of the two monarchs to Queen Eleanor at Illescas — François sets out for France — Louise of Savoy decides to send Henri, as well as the Dauphin, as a hostage to Spain — The English Ambassador's impressions of the young princes — The exchange of the King for his sons takes place on the Bidassoa — Joy of François on regaining his freedom — Departure of the princes for Vittoria
THE day after the battle, François I was conducted to the citadel of Pizzighitone, there to await the Emperor's pleasure. Before leaving the Imperialists' camp, the captive monarch wrote to his mother the letter in which occurs that phrase which tradition reshaped for him into the famous "Tout est perdu fors l'honneur." Here is the actual text:
"Madame, in order that you may be acquainted with the rest of my misfortunes, know that of all things there remains to me naught save honour and life, which are safe."
And he adds:
"And, so that in your adversity this news may bring you a little consolation, I have requested permission to write you this letter, which has been readily accorded me; begging you not to despair, but to employ your usual prudence; for I have hopes that in the end God will not abandon me; recommending your grandchildren and my children to your care and requesting you to give a safe-conduct to the bearer of this to go to and to return from Spain, for he journeys to the Emperor, to learn in what manner he wishes me to be treated."01
For the moment, it certainly seemed that François had not exaggerated the gravity of the situation. The overwhelming disaster of Pavia not only rendered the loss of Italy certain, but it exposed France herself to the gravest peril. With her King a prisoner, the troops to whom she looked for her defence against foreign aggression destroyed or dispersed, her best generals dead or in captivity, her treasury exhausted, it was difficult to see how she could escape dismemberment, if her enemies prosecuted the war with vigour before she had time to recover from the blow which she had received; while, even if they stayed their hands, the disturbed condition of the country and the hatred with which the Regent and Du Prat were regarded threatened serious trouble.
However, Louise of Savoy, with all her faults and her vices, did not lack courage and capacity, and took energetic steps to meet the danger. She assembled at Lyons what troops she could muster and entrusted the command to the Duc de Vendome, with whom she associated Lautrec and Claude de Lorraine, Duc de Guise. She summoned delegates from the Parlement of Paris to Lyons, "gave them many fair words" and submitted to them the measures which she proposed to take for the preservation of the kingdom.02 She convened a council of notables, which controlled Louise herself sometimes, but which put an end to all dissension, at least so far as regarded armaments and foreign negotiations; and she sought friends everywhere, "even in hell," since not only did she renew the old alliance with the Venetians, and induce Henry VIII, jealous of the growing power of the Emperor, to recall his troops from the frontier of Picardy and enter into a treaty of neutrality with her, but opened negotiations with the Porte, the first of that long series of friendly dealings between France and Turkey directed against the House of Austria.
Even before the defection of England, whose co-operation was of course essential to the success of a fresh invasion of France, Charles V had already abandoned all idea of such an undertaking, which would have entailed demands upon the Imperial coffers which they were at that moment in no condition to meet, and had decided to confine his efforts to the exaction of a favourable treaty. He announced that he intended to use his victory with moderation, but, though his terms were not unjust, they could scarcely be called moderate, including as they did the cession of the duchy of Burgundy, with its dependencies of Maçon, Auxerre, Auxonne, and Bar-sur-Seine. The indignation in France was extreme when they were made known; while François refused even to consider them. However, Charles believed that his rival's impatience of imprisonment would ere long assure their acceptance.
In June, Lannoy, at François's own request, took upon himself the responsibility of removing the illustrious prisoner to Spain, in order that he might treat in person with the Emperor.03 The King sailed from Genoa on June 10, and arrived at Barcelona nine days later, where he was lodged in the palace of the Archbishop of Tarragona and treated with all the honours due to royalty. Next day, he re-embarked and sailed for Valencia, where he was conducted to the castle of Benisano, which belonged to the governor of the province, Don Geronimo Cabanillas.
Charles V was then at Toledo, holding the Cortes of Castile, and thither Lannoy proceeded, to ascertain the wishes of his master in regard to his royal captive. François, on his side, sent Anne de Montmorency, who had accompanied him to Spain,04 to demand a personal interview with the Emperor, which he believed would suffice to smooth over all difficulties; a truce which would permit François de Tournon, Archbishop of Embrun, and Jean de Selve, First President of the Parlement of Paris, to come to Spain, furnished with powers from the Regent to treat regularly for peace, and a safe-conduct for his sister, the Duchesse d'Alençon, whose presence would console his captivity and serve to facilitate the negotiations.
After some hesitation, Charles consented to the truce, which was to last six months, and accorded the safe-conduct for the Duchesse d'Alençon, at the same time intimating that if the princess did not arrive with power to surrender Burgundy, she might spare herself the fatigue of the journey. On the question of the interview which François had demanded he was silent, being resolved not to see his prisoner until after the negotiations had been concluded.05
In order that the French envoys on their arrival might be able to communicate easily with their sovereign, Charles directed that the King should be transferred to the Alcazar at Madrid. On July 20, accordingly, François quitted Benisano, accompanied by the governor of Valencia and a great number of nobles and gentlemen, who escorted him as far as Requeña, where he found the Bishop of Avila, who had been deputed to convey to him the Emperor's compliments. His journey to Madrid, which occupied three weeks, resembled rather that of a king than a captive. At Guadalajara, the Duke of Infantado, to whom that town belonged, gave the most magnificent fetes in his honour;06 and the three days which he spent there were one round of tournaments, bull-fights, balls and banquets, while at Alcala, the whole town came out to meet him, headed by the authorities and students of the university.
But what a cruel deception awaited him when, on August 17, he reached Madrid! There, after being confined for a few days in the tower of los Lujanes, the strongest of the towers which flanked the ramparts of the city, he was lodged in a narrow chamber in the donjon of the Alcazar, containing only such furniture as was absolutely necessary, and lighted by a single window with two iron gratings fixed into the massive walls, which overlooked the Manzanares, almost dry at this season of the year, and the arid plain beyond. A company of arquebusiers guarded the tower, and no one but the King's gaolers and personal attendants was permitted to have access to him. This close and galling confinement, which could scarcely have been more rigorous had François been a State criminal awaiting his trial on a charge of high treason, and was, of course, designed to exhaust his powers of resistance to the Imperial demands, soon began to have its effect upon the health of the unfortunate monarch, and on the evening of September 18, as Charles V was returning from hunting in the forest of Segovia, word was brought him that his captive was dying.
In great alarm, he immediately mounted his horse, rode, almost without drawing rein, to Madrid, and proceeded at once to the Alcazar. On perceiving the Emperor, who entered his room accompanied by Lannoy and preceded by Montmorency, carrying a torch, François painfully raised himself into a sitting posture and bowed. Charles threw himself into his arms, and "they remained for some time in a close embrace, without saying a word." The King was the first to break the silence. "My lord," said he, "you see before you your prisoner and your slave." "No," replied the Emperor affectionately, "but my good brother and true friend, whom I look upon as free." "Your slave," rejoined the King. "My good brother and friend, who will recover his freedom," insisted the Emperor. "My most ardent desire is your recovery; think only of that. All the rest will be done, my lord, according to your wishes." "It will be as you order," replied François, "for it is yours to command, but, my lord, I entreat of you, let there be no intermediary between us." The King then fell back exhausted on his pillow, and Charles withdrew, having assured him that when the Duchesse d'Alençon, who was expected, arrived, peace and his liberty would speedily follow.07
The following day, the Emperor again visited François and did all in his power to console him; but the royal prisoner was in a very weak state, spoke as though he did not expect to recover, and besought Charles, in the event of his death, not to be too hard upon his sons, but to take them under his protection and defend them against those who might attempt to despoil them. The Emperor promised that everything should be arranged in accordance with his wishes, so soon as his sister arrived.
While he was still with the King, a message was brought him that Marguerite had entered Madrid and was approaching the Alcazar. Learning on the road from Barcelona of the illness of her brother, she had travelled with all possible despatch, and had arrived two or three days before she was expected. The Emperor received her at the foot of the staircase of the Alcazar.08 She was dressed all in white, on account of the recent death of her husband, the Duc d'Alençon, and her face was stained with tears. Charles embraced her and begged her not to despair, and then conducted her to François's apartment, where he left the brother and sister together, and set out for Toledo, at which city the conferences with the French envoys were to be held.
The visits and assurances of the Emperor and the presence of his devoted sister served to arouse François from the depths of discouragement into which he had fallen. But, though Charles appears to have been under the impression that his illness was due far more to moral than to physical causes, this was certainly not the case. The King was suffering from an abscess in the head (un' appostema nella testa)09 and, three days after the departure of his "good brother," he had so serious a relapse, that both his own and the Emperor's physicians held out no hope of his recovery. According to one of the French envoys, the Président de Selve, all the signs of approaching death were evident, and he lay for several hours without speaking or recognising any one.
Believing that the end was at hand, Marguerite caused an altar to be set up in the sick-room, summoned all her own and his Majesty's attendants, and directed the Arch- bishop of Embrun to celebrate Mass, and afterwards, if possible, to administer the Holy Sacrament to the King. "At the moment of the elevation," writes Selve, "when the archbishop exhorted him to regard the Host, my sovereign lord (who neither saw nor heard) turned his head, raised his hands, and murmured: 'It is my God, who will restore me both in body and soul. I entreat you to let me receive Him.'" As it was doubtful whether he would be able to swallow the consecrated wafer, his sister suggested that it should be divided into two portions, one of which she received herself, while the other was given to the King, who received it very devoutly, amid the tears of all present.10
The agitation caused by his receiving the Holy Sacrament had a salutary effect upon the sick man, for the abscess in the head opened, happily in an outward direction, and though he remained for some time in a very weak state, he was soon out of danger; and Marguerite was able to proceed to Toledo with the French envoys, for the conferences which she hoped would soon restore her brother to liberty.
We shall not dwell upon the tedious negotiations which followed. The obstacle to a settlement was, of course, the question of Burgundy. The duchy had reverted to the Crown of France on the death of Charles the Bold, without male heirs, in 1477, when the Estates had at once recognised Louis XI as their liege lord. But the Emperor, as the son of Charles the Bold's daughter, Mary, had always regarded it as his lawful inheritance, of which he had been unjustly despoiled, and, for sentimental as well as political reasons, he was determined to recover it. The French negotiators, on the other hand, were instructed to resist to the uttermost a demand which, if conceded, would not only deprive France of one of her largest and most wealthy provinces, but would place her redoubtable enemy within striking distance of the capital. They suggested, however, that the case should be submitted to arbitration, with the understanding that, if Burgundy were assigned to Charles, it should form the dowry of his sister Eleanor, whom the King should then take to wife. To this proposal Charles refused to consent, and when, towards the end of November, the Duchesse d'Alençon returned to France, matters were in much the same state as they had been on her arrival, and it seemed as though François's captivity would be indefinitely prolonged.
Before his sister's departure, the King had bethought him of an expedient which would prove as fatal to the hopes of Charles V as the death of his prisoner, and drew up and signed a deed of abdication, in which he declared that "we have willed and consented, by perpetual and irrevocable edict, that our very dear and beloved son François should be henceforth declared Very Christian King of France, and as King should be crowned, anointed, and consecrated." Louise of Savoy, or, in the event of her death, the Duchesse d'Alençon, was appointed Regent, and he reserved to himself the right of resuming the Crown, if he ever recovered his liberty.11
This heroic resolution was duly communicated to the Emperor by Montmorency, accompanied by a request that he would permit his Majesty's entourage to be placed on such a footing as would be suitable for an ex-sovereign who had resigned himself to the idea of spending the remainder of his days in captivity. Charles, however, did not appear to be greatly perturbed by the announcement. He knew that François was a bad subject for prison life, however much latitude might be allowed him, and believed that he was far too selfish to sacrifice himself for his kingdom.
Events justified this belief, for on December 19, 1525, at the moment when Montmorency was on the point of setting out for France with the deed of abdication, the King directed the French envoys to surrender Burgundy in full sovereignty, stipulating, however, that their master should first be set at liberty, since the cession of so large an extent of territory presented difficulties which could only be overcome by the presence of François in his own realm. To this stipulation Charles consented, and on January 14, 1526, the Treaty of Madrid was concluded.
By the terms of this famous treaty, François engaged to "restore" to the Emperor the possessions of Charles the Bold, the latter, however, abandoning the counties of Maçon and Auxerre and the seigneurie of Bar-sur-Seine, which he gave by way of dowry to his sister Eleanor, whom François undertook to marry. The King of France resigned all claims on the Milanese, Genoa, Asti, and Naples; abandoned Italy entirely to the Emperor; promised that a French fleet should escort Charles when he went to Italy for the purpose of his coronation, and that he would co-operate with him in person in a crusade against the Infidel and in the suppression of Lutherans and other heretics; renounced all his rights of suzerainty over Flanders and Artois; withdrew his protection from Henri d'Albret, King of Navarre, and his allies on the Flemish frontier, Robert de la Marck and the Duke of Guelders, and restored Bourbon and his accomplices to their estates and dignities. Nothing was said about Bourbon's promised kingdom in South-Eastern France, but it was understood that, as compensation for this and the hand of Eleanor, he was to receive the Milanese, of which Francesco Sforza, who had placed himself at the head of an abortive movement for the independence of Italy, and was being blockaded by the Spaniards in the citadel of Milan, was to be deprived. Lastly, either the two elder sons of the King, the Dauphin François and Henri, Duc d'Orleans, or the Dauphin and twelve of the principal personages of the kingdom12 were to be delivered up as hostages until all the stipulations of the treaty had been fulfilled.
It is not at first sight easy to understand how the shrewd and cautious Charles could have consented to the release of his prisoner until this treaty, so humiliating for France, had been executed, or at least until he had been placed in possession of Burgundy; and the Chancellor Gattinara protested in the strongest terms consistent with respect against a step which he declared would inevitably compromise, and perhaps lose altogether, the fruits of Pavia. But, though the Emperor entertained far from an exalted opinion of François's character, he probably found it difficult to believe that he intended to play him false. The long and stubborn resistance which the King had opposed to his demands seemed to be a guarantee of his good faith, for, if his intentions were otherwise, why had he not yielded before and escaped those weary months in the Alcazar? Besides, the alternative was a renewal of the war, since the truce was on the point of expiring; and war at the present juncture would risk all that was assured by the treaty. For Charles could no longer rely on the support of those who had hitherto sustained him, or on the neutrality of those who had permitted him to conquer. Henry VIII, without as yet declaring himself his enemy, had become the ally of France; Venice, Florence, the Pope, and the Duke of Milan were intriguing against him; his brother Ferdinand, crippled by a rebellion in the Tyrol, was quite unable to render him assistance. He was, in fact, completely isolated, and, so far from being in a position to invade France, would be obliged to act entirely on the defensive.
For these reasons he decided to disregard the advice of Gattinara, and to accept the advantages which were conceded to him under the conditions on which they were offered. If, however, he consented to the liberation of François, he did not fail to take every possible precaution to render the treaty inviolable. Not only did he insist upon the most precious hostages, but he demanded that the King should swear upon the Gospel to fulfil his engagements, and give his word of honour as a knight that he would return to prison, if within four months all the conditions of the treaty were not realised.
François complied readily enough, but he had not the remotest intention of keeping his word. What moral fibre he possessed had been hopelessly sapped by his imprisonment; and on January 13, 1526 — the day before the treaty was signed — he had summoned to the Alcazar the Président de Selve, the Archbishop of Embrun, Chabot de Brion, Jean de la Barre, Provost of Paris, and his secretary Bayard, and, after exacting from each of them an oath of secrecy, entered a solemn protest against the treaty to which he was being compelled to submit "by force and constraint," and declared the obligations which he was on the point of contracting "null and of no effect," as attempts upon the rights of his crown, hurtful to France, and injurious to his honour.13
Six days after the conclusion of the Treaty of Madrid, François was betrothed to the Queen-Dowager of Portugal. As the King was suffering from an attack of fever, and, indeed, was too ill to leave his bed, the ceremony had perforce to take place in his apartment at the Alcazar, Lannoy representing his future consort. A betrothal in such circumstances could scarcely be considered to augur well for the happiness of the royal pair; but Charles V was impatient to secure yet another guarantee for the fulfilment of his Most Christian Majesty's engagements.
Since etiquette required François to address a complimentary letter to his fiancée, he wrote to the Emperor to inquire by what title it was his wish that he should address her; and Charles in reply authorised him to address her by the name of wife, "which before God she already is."
As some weeks must elapse before the hostages could arrive in Spain, François was obliged to remain at Madrid. It might be supposed that during this interval he would have been permitted to exchange his gloomy prison for some more cheerful residence, or, at least, that the constraint to which he had been so long subjected would have been relaxed. But, in spite of the representations of the gentlemen of his suite and the Archbishop of Embrun, he remained in the Alcazar and was kept under perpetual surveillance. Arquebusiers mounted guard at the door of his chamber, both night and day, and even while he slept his attendants were obliged to admit the officers of the fortress, who came at intervals to satisfy themselves that he was still there.14 The only concession was permission to leave his prison, though always accompanied by his guards, in order to go and hear Mass at celebrated churches or to visit convents. On these occasions, the populace, whose admiration the had gained by his handsome presence and his reputation for courage, pressed eagerly to see him, and those afflicted with scrofula came to entreat him to lay his royal hands upon them.
On February 13, after having signed the peace at Toledo, Charles V returned to Madrid. François, mounted on a richly caparisoned mule and dressed à l'espagnole, as a compliment to the Emperor, met him in the outskirts of the city, and the two monarchs embraced with a great show of affection. They entered Madrid amid the acclamations of the people, and proceeded to the Alcazar, where they supped together; and during the two following days made their devotions at the same churches and gave other proofs of the sincerity of their reconciliation.
On the 16th, François having expressed a desire to see his bride-elect before leaving Spain, their Majesties quitted Madrid to visit Queen Eleanor at the Castle of Illescas, one of the residences of the Archbishop of Toledo, where Eleanor had arrived on the previous day. They established themselves at the Castle of Torrejon, a few miles distant, and paid their first visit on the afternoon of the 17th. Although not strictly beautiful, the widow of Manoel the Great was decidedly prepossessing, with a high forehead, arched eyebrows, a fresh complexion, and very white teeth. She was of a romantic temperament, and François's courage and misfortunes had appealed so strongly to her sympathy and admiration that she was already prepared to love him. As for the King, though, as we have seen, he had not the slightest intention of sharing his throne with the lady, he acted the part of a gallant lover to perfection, and when Eleanor fell on her knees and was about to kiss his hand, he raised her up and embraced her warmly. The following day, the two monarchs paid a second visit to Illescas, on which occasion the Queen performed a Spanish dance before her fiancé, with the Countess of Nassau, one of her ladies-in-waiting.
On the 19th, François and Charles bade one another farewell, the former to return to Madrid and thence to France, the latter to proceed to Seville, where he was to wed the Infanta Isabella of Portugal. At parting, the King, at the request of the Emperor, who, in this last interview, was unable to free his mind of some uneasiness in regard to the execution of the treaty, renewed his assurances of fidelity to his engagements under pain of being accounted a miserable scoundrel, and Charles warned François that, although he had never hated him, yet, if he deceived him, particularly in what concerned his sister Eleanor, he should "hold his person in detestation, and should seek every means of taking vengeance and of injuring him as much as possible." Then, after the King had once more sworn to fulfil his obligations, they commended one another to God's keeping and separated.
Two days later (February 21), François joyfully quitted the gloomy fortress where he had suffered so much in both body and mind, and where he had ended by purchasing his liberty at the price of his honour, and took the road to the frontier of France. He was accompanied by the Viceroy of Naples and a numerous guard, under the command of Alarcon, an officer of arquebusiers, who had been responsible for the illustrious captive's person since the day of Pavia. At Aranda, on the Douro, fifty leagues from the frontier, which was reached on the 26th, Lannoy, in conjunction with the King, drafted the formalities which were to be observed at his release, the most elaborate precautions being taken to guard against any attempt at escape or rescue.
The exchange was to take place on the Bidassoa, between Fontarabia and Andaye, in the centre of the stream. No vessels of any description, with the exception of those required for the conveyance of François and the hostages, which must be of similar size, were to be allowed on the river or within five leagues of its mouth; no gentleman of the King's Household, no soldier of his guard, no man-at-arms in his realm, was to be permitted to approach nearer than Saint-Jean-de-Luz, and for twenty leagues on either side of the frontier the country was to be evacuated by troops.15 Chabot de Brion and a Spanish officer named Peñalosa were then despatched to France, the former to hasten the arrival of Louise of Savoy and the hostages, the latter to carry to the Court the draft of the regulations for the exchange; and the King and his escort continued their journey as far as Vittoria, where they halted to await news of the Regent.
Louise had learned of the Treaty of Madrid on January 29, when Montmorency arrived at Lyons, bringing the document with him for the Regent's signature, and she had lost no time in making the arrangements required to secure her son's liberation. It will be remembered that the clause relating to the hostages left France the alternative of replacing the second of the young princes by twelve of the principal personages of the kingdom. But the Regent, who had, of course, been informed by Montmorency of what had occurred at the Alcazar on the eve of the signing of the treaty, and was aware that a refusal to execute its terms would certainly be followed by a renewal of the war, immediately decided that to deprive the kingdom of its best generals in such circumstances would be an act of criminal folly, and that Henri must therefore accompany the Dauphin to Spain.
After having announced that peace had been concluded and that the King would shortly be restored to his loving subjects, without, however, revealing the humiliating conditions, on February 1 she set out for Amboise, where the young princes were, followed by a part of the Court, and accompanied by Dr. John Taylor16 and Louis van Praet, the English and Imperial Ambassadors.17 On arriving at Roanne, the Court embarked in barges upon the Loire, and made the rest of the journey by water, though, owing to continuous rain, the river had overflowed its banks, and "the wind was so ragious that no man might pass without danger."18
At Amboise, the English Ambassador was presented to the Dauphin and Henri, and did not fail to communicate his impressions of the young princes to Wolsey:
"She [the Regent] caused me to dine with the Emperor's Ambassador, and after dinner I was brought to see the Dauphin, and his brother Harry; both did embrace me, and took me by the hand, and asked me of the welfare of the King's highness, and your grace, and desired that in my writing I should truly commend them to the King and your grace. Verily, they be too (sic) goodly children. The King's godson [Henri] is the quicker spirit and the bolder, as seemeth by his behaviour."
The Regent, "notwithstanding that she was vexed with the gout in her hand," only remained one night, and then with her two elder grandsons took the road to Bayonne, where they arrived in the evening of March 15, and were received "with a great triumph of gun-shot."19 On learning of their approach, Lannoy had left Vittoria, and conducted François to the fortress of San Sebastian, three leagues from the mouth of the Bidassoa. Here he was joined by Chabot de Brion, who had been sent by the Regent to make the final arrangements for the exchange of the King and his two sons, which it was decided should take place on the 17th, at seven o'clock in the morning.
At the appointed hour, François, accompanied by Lannoy, Alarcon, and ten Spanish gentlemen, who were armed only with sword and dagger, appeared on the southern bank of the river; while the Dauphin and the Duc d'Orléans, accompanied by Lautrec and ten French gentlemen, armed in like fashion, appeared on the opposite bank. Two barges, of the same size and manned by the same number of rowers, were in readiness. Each party entered one, and was rowed out to the centre of the stream, where a raft had been moored. Lannoy and Alarcon, followed by the King, mounted the raft, as did Lautrec and the little princes. The boys kissed their father's hand, and Lannoy said: "Sire, your Highness is now free; let him execute what he has promised!" "All shall be done," answered François, who then embraced his children, and, stepping into the barge which had brought them, was rowed to the northern bank, while the princes were conveyed to the Spanish shore. "All passed off very peaceably, as had been arranged."20
The King, who, in his selfish way, was much attached to his children, had probably experienced some twinges of conscience at the thought of these two young boys — the elder but eight years old — condemned to a captivity which their father's intended repudiation of his engagements could not fail to make a long and painful one. But any compunction he may have felt was speedily stifled by joy at finding himself a free man again. So soon as his foot touched French soil, he threw himself on horseback, crying, "Now I am King! I am King once more!" and rode away at a gallop to Saint-Jean-de-Luz, whither the nobles of the Court, the Chancellor Du Prat, and the English Ambassador had come to welcome him.21 After receiving their congratulations, he hastened to Bayonne, where the Regent and the rest of the Court had remained, and "was received with much shot of ordnance, without the town, a quarter of a mile."22 "Immediately on setting foot to ground, he went to return thanks to God in the principal church of that town,"23 and then hurried away to greet his mother and sister, who were impatiently awaiting him. Meanwhile, the young hostages were being conducted by Lannoy and Alarcon to Vittoria, to join Queen Eleanor, who had arrived there a few days before, it having been decided that, when the principal conditions of the Treaty of Madrid had been fulfilled, she should bring them with her to France.
Notes
(1) Published by Champollion, Captivite du roi François Ier.
(2) And, since the Parlement had attributed the disaster of Pavia to celestial anger on account of the King's toleration of heretics, she caused two unfortunate Huguenots to be burnt at the stake, as a further proof of condescension.
(3) Some misconception appears to exist in regard to François's transference from Italy to Spain. Several historians, including Dr. Kitchin ("History of France," vol. ii), state that Charles V gave orders for the King's removal, but Mignet (Rivalité de François Ier et de Charles-Quint) has shown that Lannoy acted entirely on his own responsibility, and that Charles was greatly astonished on learning of his prisoner's arrival at Barcelona.
(4) Montmorency was no longer a prisoner, having been exchanged some weeks before for Don Ugo de Moncada, Prior of Messina, who had been captured by the French in the sea-fight off the coast of Provence in the previous year.
(5) Negociation du seigneur de Montmorency, in Champollion, Captivite de François Ier; Mignet, Rivalité de François Ier et de Charles-Quint.
(6) And the duke's daughter, who was of a highly romantic disposition, fell so desperately in love with him, that, from sheer despair, she took the veil, and founded a monastery at Guadalajara.
(7) Della vita e della of ere di Andrea Navagero; Mignet, Rivalité de François Ier et de Charles-Quint.
(8) The English Ambassadors were much perturbed by Marguerite's mission. It was, of course, the policy of England to hold the balance between Charles and François, and to prevent any permanent rapprochement between them, and the Ambassadors feared that this might be brought about by the young widow wooing the Emperor for herself, and his sister, Eleanor, Queen-Dowager of Portugal, for her brother. They had therefore solemnly warned Charles not to receive her, on the ground that she would only confirm the King in his obstinacy. "Besides," said they, "being young and a widow, she comes, as Ovid says of women going to a play, to see and to be seen, that perhaps the Emperor may like her; and also to woo the Queen-Dowager of Portugal for her brother. . . . Then, as they are both young widows, she shall find good commodity in cackling with her to advance her brother's matter."
(9) Navagero, cited by Mignet.
(10) Letter of the Président de Selve to the Parlement of Paris, in Champollion, Captivité de François Ier.
(11) For the full text of the document see, Champollion, Captivité de François Ier. Madame Coignet (François Ier) and several other writers, following Du Bellay, state that the King entrusted the deed of abdication to his sister to carry to France; but this is incorrect.
(12) Among the twelve were the Duc de Vendôme, the Duke of Albany the Comte de Saint-Pol, Louis de Brézé, Grand Seneschal of Normandy — the husband of Diane de Poitiers — Montmorency, Lautrec and Guise. In other words all the best French generals who had survived the disaster of Pavia.
(13) See Champollion, Captivité de François Ier, where the text of the protest is given.
(14) This continued detention was one of the reasons afterwards given by François to excuse his refusal to execute the terms of the Treaty of Madrid. According to him, his word of honour as a knight having been demanded and given, the Emperor was obliged to set him at liberty forthwith, and that since this was not done, he was freed from his promise.
(15) Cérémonial réglé pour la délivrance du seigneur roy, in Champollion, Captivite de François Ier.
(16) John Taylor, who was the son of humble parents, was born at the village of Barton, in Staffordshire, probably about 1480. He studied civil and canon law at some foreign university, took Holy Orders, and held various benefices, being appointed prebendary of Westminster in 1518. He accompanied Henry VIII in his campaign in France in 1513, and to the Field of the Cloth of Gold, on which occasion he acted as his chaplain. In 1527 he was appointed Master of the Rolls, and from 1531-1533 he was again English Ambassador in France. He died in 1534.
(17) Taylor was going to Bayonne, nominally to congratulate François on his return from captivity, but really to induce him to violate the treaty he had just concluded with Charles V. He was, however, somewhat exercised in his mind as to how he was to get there, and wrote to Wolsey that he "waxed slender in the purse."
(18) Despatch of Taylor to Wolsey, published by Sharon Turner, "The Modern History of England."
(19) Taylor to Wolsey.
(20) Letter of the Président de Selve to the Parlement of Paris, March 18 1526 in Captivité de François Ier.
(21) "After the chancellor had saluted the King, he shewed me to him that I was the orator of England. The King took me in his arms, whom I saluted in this manner: 'Christianissimi Rex! ex parte serenissimi regis Anglias, defensoris fidei, Deum omnipotentem ego congratulor, tuæ majestatis in suum regnum salvo reditui.' " — Despatch of Taylor to Wolsey, in Sharon Turner.
(22) Ibid.
(23) Selve.