5

Responses to New Challenges, August–October 1745

Charles Edward Stuart was the eldest son of James Francis. He had been born in Rome in December 1720, following his father’s marriage to Polish princess Clementina Sobieska the previous year. The conflict known to historians as the War of the Austrian Succession, began in 1740 with Frederick II of Prussia invading the Austrian province of Silesia. It subsequently enveloped much of Europe, with French and British troops being on opposing sides at the battle of Dettingen in 1743, though war between both countries was as yet undeclared. France’s attempt to invade southern England in January 1744 involved the young Charles, but it was abortive and thereafter the French focussed on Continental warfare which went well for them in the spring and summer of the following year. Remaining in France, Charles gathered together supplies and followers and his two-ship ‘flotilla’ set sail for Scotland, one of them arriving off the coast of the western Highlands in July 1745. Another attempt to restore the Stuarts was underway. Initially, it appeared to be confined to Scotland, as with the case in 1719. However, by September it was evident that this might not be so, as the road to Edinburgh and the Scottish Lowlands was open. The British army in Scotland under Sir John Cope (1690–1760) had failed to confront the Jacobite army and had to return to the Lowlands by sea.

For the first few weeks after the arrival of Charles in Scotland, the importance of such news took time to sink in and some became concerned about the alleged apathy of those who they thought should have been active supporters of the dynasty and government. Indeed, there was no focus of loyalty in Britain; the King and his third son, William Augustus (1721–1765), the Duke of Cumberland, were on the Continent, leading the British contingent of the allied forces and Britain was ruled by a council of lords of the regency, who had given orders to the garrison in Scotland to deal with the Jacobites there, as well as requesting troops from the United Provinces, as had occurred in 1715 and 1719.

Philip Yorke (1720–1790) wrote on 6 August ‘that something will be done to keep our spirits from sinking too much’. It was no better on 23 August when his father, the Lord Chancellor, Philip Yorke (1690–1764), the Earl of Hardwicke, wrote ‘Would to God the state of our affairs was as much mended [as his own health], but the clouds continue as black as ever, and how soon the storm may burst upon us, I know not.’ Hardwicke bemoaned England’s indefensibility as the bulk of the troops were abroad. One bright cloud on his horizon was the intended return of the King, ‘whose presence was never more necessary than at present’. He remained, however, concerned: ‘There seems to be a certain indifference and deadness among many, and the spirit of the nation wants to be roused and animated.’¹

The situation was no better outside London. Charles Benet (1697–1753), the second Earl of Tankerville, Lord Lieutenant of Northumberland, wrote on 16 August, ‘I have nothing worthy of perusal except that I acquaint you with the frights and fears of the threatened invasion, as for my own part, I am an infidel and consequently pay little attention to the daily reports’.² On another occasion he wrote similarly, ‘we meet with nothing but sadness and mortifying forebodings of danger, with little or no life or disposition to action. The common topics of conversation for the whole summer have been extremely disagreeable.’ Much of this was because of events on the Continent; the defeat at Fontenoy, the failings of the Dutch allies and the success of the French army. The fact that much of the army was abroad made for feelings of a lack of security at home.³ Henry Ingram (1691–1761), the seventh Viscount Irwin, Lord Lieutenant of the east riding of Yorkshire, was a little more concerned, writing three days later, ‘I am sorry to find that ye Gazette of today confirms ye news from we had last Wednesday at York from Scotland, we are alarmed but not frighted’.⁴

Towards the end of the month concern grew. William Stoddart of Newcastle reported on 27 August, of the ‘confusion in this place occasioned by daily reports from Scotland’.⁵ Yet even in the north-east some did not fully grasp the potential danger; as Dean Spencer Cowper of Durham noted, ‘The affair in Scotland I think grows a serious matter but [I] am not in much pain for the event’. This was because he could not comprehend that England would want to change their monarch for another and so George II’s prospects for the future seemed good.⁶

The written word was very little used to this end during August 1745. One exception was the pamphlet advertised for sale titled, ‘An address to the lower sort of people on the subject of popery and the pretender’. It cost sixpence, about half a working man’s daily wage, so was perhaps intended to be bought by his betters and distributed free of charge to the literate ‘lower sort’ or to be read aloud to them.⁷

It was on the morning of Saturday 31 August that George II landed at Margate, reaching the City of London four hours later. This gave the people an opportunity to show their loyalty:

amidst the repeated acclamations of his People… in the Evening People of all Ranks and Degrees seem’d to vie with one another in Expressions of Loyalty, by ringing of Bells, Bonfires, Illuminations, Fireworks, and all other the greatest Rejoicings ever known upon the like Occasion.⁸

Privately, Miss Gertrude Savile (1697–1758), a middle-aged London spinster, wrote in her diary on this day, ‘The King, thank God, arrived about 1 o’clock and went to Kensington’.⁹ Hardwicke was also pleased, noting the King’s ‘perfect health… I never saw him look better in my life. He appears also to be in very good humour.’ Lady Hardwicke wrote similar sentiments and added, ‘God be thanked for it’.¹⁰ Some still detected a degree of apathy, with Horace Walpole (1717–1797), son of the late chief minister, writing to Mr Williams on 7 September

I have found everything in – I was going to say, in confusion – but I can’t say that, for though ’tis probable the rebels may be at London in a fortnight, everybody seems as much concerned as if it was only some Indian King brought over by Oglethorpe.¹¹

The Archbishop of York, Thomas Herring (1693–1757), was very pleased to hear of George II’s arrival:

We received here great consolation from the King’s arrival, and are in hopes that it will give some stability to the Public Affairs; as His Majesty has fulfilled his duty of a good King in quitting his insignificant Electorate for the Honour of his Crown and the safety of this great People. I hope he will meet with a suitable return of Duty and Affection from them, for indeed, my Lord, the times demand a perfect intelligence between Prince and People. I was glad to hear, as I do from several Hands, that the King is so well and cheerful, and his Court so gay; I would to God they would contrive to communicate some share of this fine spirit to the country.¹²

The King’s return to take over the reins of government from the regency led to more outpourings of loyalty towards him. In terms of verbal loyalty these first came from governmental, ecclesiastical and academic institutions, in London and places adjacent. The first was from the City of London, which was closest to the King in terms of geography. All these addresses focused on similar themes. First, George II was welcomed back to Britain. Second, there was much comment about the ongoing war. The taking of Cape Breton from the French in America was much commended, one of the few positive military achievements of that year. It was also seen as being of economic advantage to Britain and so would be a means of ‘extending their Trade and Commerce, of increasing the Wealth, and promoting the Happiness and Prosperity of these Kingdoms’. Another address referred to the war on the Continent ‘aimed only at preserving the Balance of Power, and procuring Europe a valuable and lasting peace’, though lamenting the lack of success, despite the ‘Bravery and Resolution’ of the army.¹³

Thirdly, there was much talk of the ‘many and Great Blessings we enjoy under your Majesty’s mild, just and prudent Administration’. This was to prove a common theme over the next year. Finally, the addresses ended with those who had signed it assuring that they would ‘support and defend them at the Hazard of their Lives and Fortunes’. There was a minimum of negative sentiment, though one referred to Charles as being a ‘popish Pretender’ and reference was made to ‘the dreadful Effects of Papal Tyranny’. France and Spain were referred to as backing the Jacobites.¹⁴

The clergy were also active at this early stage. The bishops wrote to instruct them in what to do at this instance. First to act was the Archbishop of Canterbury, the elderly John Potter (c.1674–1747). His letter of 9 September, after giving a brief account of the national danger, gave them their instructions:

you are hereby desired and admonish’d, agreeable to your known Duty, by your Example, by your Exhortation, as well private as publick, and by all other Means in your Power, to excite the People under your Care to exert, on this most important Occasion, their Utmost zeal for the Preservation of our happy Constitution in Church and State.¹⁵

Herring was not enthused by this, writing that it was only ‘the cold phlegm of an old man’, though he had already begun to distribute copies to his clergy. Hardwicke observed in private ‘The letter to the clergy of the diocese of Canterbury I make no observations on’, which was damning enough. He added, referring to others, ‘The Salisbury one has more spirit. But that which meets with the most applause is the London one’.¹⁶ Edmund Gibson (1669–1748), bishop of London, was rather more explicit in his instructions and advice. His clergy were advised to pray for military success against the Jacobite army and to encourage their parishioners to pray ‘for his aid and Protection’. Second, the clergy were to ‘raise in your People, a just abhorrence of Popery’, and to elucidate how Catholicism was flawed compared to the ‘uncorrupted Doctrines of Christianity’ as practiced by the Church of England. Thirdly, they were to let their people know that Jacobite promises of religious safeguards were of no value whatever, and that James II had made such in 1685 and then gone back on his word.¹⁷ Not all clergy needed instructing on how to act as the Rev. William Lindsay of Ackton in Yorkshire wrote, ‘Was any man more early in preaching against this Rebellion than I? I waited not for any orders to put me upon it.’¹⁸

Walpole wrote that in the early to the middle part of September there began to be further evidence of loyalist action. On 13 September he told Sir Horace Mann (1706–1786), minister in Florence, that ‘The merchants are very zealous, and are opening a great subscription for raising troops’. When a Jacobite alderman suggested a petition of grievances, his fellow City aldermen failed to back him.¹⁹ A week later, he referred to meetings in the counties to discuss national defence and to noblemen raising men to form into regiments. He added ‘Unless we have more ill fortune than is conceivable or the general supinness continues ‘tis impossible but we must get over this’.²⁰

Herring was to play a significant role in Yorkshire. In this he was prompted by the Lord Chancellor, who wrote to him on 31 August,

Archbishops of York have before now drawn the secular, as well as the spiritual sword, and I hope your Grace will stand between us and danger… Is it not time for the pulpits to sound the trumpet against popery and the Pretender?

Herring was initially reluctant, replying a week later that, ‘Preaching will be of little avail, where the countenance of the magistrate is wanting’; however, he agreed with Hardwicke.²¹

Looking back, a year later, Herring admitted ‘The part wch I acted last winter was much more accidental than premeditated, and all the effectual Good wch attended was owing to ye gallant Spirit of the Yorkshire Gentlemen’.²²

On 7 September orders were given to implement the anti-Catholic legislation and this led to Miss Savile commenting, ‘The Nation begins to be generly alarmed’.²³

Loyalists commented about the progress of the rebellion in Scotland. Opinion was strongly against Cope because of his failure to intercept the Jacobite army in the Highlands, meaning that the Jacobite army was marching southward towards Edinburgh unopposed. There was concern they might march into England without any opposition. Meanwhile, there was relief that Dutch and British troops were on their way from the Continent to England.²⁴

Herring was hopeful that Cope would prevail against the Jacobites there, but took it as a bad sign that the loyalist clans were not acting against the Jacobites. He feared that the Jacobites might come to dominate Scotland: ‘I pray God, all this may be ill grounded, and that the next post may bring good news and set our minds at rest.’ He noted the imminent arrival of the Dutch troops but did not see this as an unmitigated blessing but as a sign of national effeminacy, ‘We will accept their help, but are we never to stand on our own legs again?… must all Europe be told… that the King has neither the hearts nor the hands of his own people?’ Reliance on the Dutch would, he feared, destroy British influence over them and be seen by the Dutch as their inferiors.²⁵ Days later, he added his concern over ‘the distress of Cope in Scotland, and the increase [allegedly 7,000-strong] and strength and progress of the rebels there’. Herring reported that those in the know claimed Cope ‘has shown most unsoldierlike conduct’.²⁶

Aware of events in Scotland, some in the north of England took fright. Anne Worsley of Yorkshire, on 6 September, reported that ‘poor nanny cry’d about ye Rebels in Scotland and advised us seriously to turn papists before they got into Yorkshire’.²⁷ The inhabitants of Newcastle were also alarmed, as a published letter on 17 September observed, ‘The chief Intent of this is to advise you of the bad situation we are in at present… we are all in confusion here’.²⁸ John Wesley (1703–1791), who was there, noted on 18 September, ‘We found the generality of the inhabitants in the utmost consternation news being just arrived that the morning before, at two o’clock, the Pretender had entered Edinburgh.’²⁹

Herring was also concerned, writing

I own, I am frighted at our present situation, and it looks like a demonstration to me that we are now, as to the health of the Body politic, in the condition of a man who does not ask his doctor whether he may recover, but how long he thinks he can hold out.³⁰

Inhabitants of those places where it was envisaged would be in the front line of any Jacobite invasion from Scotland were particularly worried and took steps to try and put themselves into a state of preparedness. Among the border towns were Carlisle in the north-west and Berwick in the north-east; Newcastle upon Tyne was also seen as being in danger, for, though it was to the south of Berwick, it was a town of great commercial importance. In all these instances the civic leader, the mayor, was the leading force behind such steps.

On 12 September the inhabitants of Carlisle resolved to defend themselves against ‘an Insurrection in Scotland by the Highlanders’ and 560 of the male residents entered their names in a list of the city’s defenders, noting ‘We are in apprehensions and preparing for a Defence, which we hope to be able to make against such a force’.³¹

Initial steps to rectify the situation were taken by Thomas Pattinson, the deputy mayor; the city’s mayor, James Agilonby, was present but for reasons unknown did not take the lead in the city’s defence. On 18 September, an order for 300 muskets and bayonets was despatched to the city and Thomas Holles-Pelham (1693–1768), the Duke of Newcastle, who was George II’s principal Secretary of State, sent Pattinson commissions for him to appoint officers for the city volunteer force. These arms were soon distributed and men formed into companies.³²

Pattinson, however, was not still confident about the city’s defence, writing ‘what may lie in my power to encourage the citizens shall not be wanting’. The county’s Lord Lieutenant, Viscount Lonsdale (1694–1751), who had played an active role in 1715, noted that Pattinson ‘is in great Distress to know how to conduct himself if the Rebels attack’.³³

Meanwhile, the civilian authorities took a number of steps to prepare the city for a siege. Provisions from the neighbouring county were brought into the city. On 30 September the city minute book noted that 100 bushels of potatoes and 30 bushels of wheat ‘for the service of the city’ be ordered.³⁴

This was not the only response among loyalists. Some began to discuss what other steps to take to oppose the rebellion. On 2 September, Thomas Watson-Wentworth (1693–1750), the Earl of Malton, Lord Lieutenant of the west riding of Yorkshire, had offered the support of himself and his fellows; four days later, Irwin reported that he had met ‘many of our principal Gentlemen, and I am glad to say they want for no spirit, but we are all ready to do our utmost for yr service and support of the Crown’.³⁵ Newcastle suggested that the county send a loyal address but did not at this stage suggest forming units of armed volunteers.³⁶ Irwin explicitly mentioned such in a letter of 6 September, having met with other gentlemen ‘who all entered into an engagement to form an association to find arms and raise men if we are allowed to do it and this to supply ye militia’.³⁷

The traditional response in these circumstances was for the government to authorise the county lieutenancy to call out the county militia. Such had occurred in 1685 and in 1715 and happened on 5 September 1745 when the Privy Council wrote to all the country’s lords lieutenant as follows: ‘cause the whole Militia of the said County to be put in a readiness fit for immediate Service’.³⁸ The difficulty was that the annual Militia Act had not been renewed in 1734 when it had lapsed and so it would be illegal to summon them without Parliament’s authorisation, and Parliament was not sitting at that time. As Edward Chandler (1668–1750), bishop of Durham and lord lieutenant of that county, wrote, ‘they are not legally empowered as the law stood to draw them out’.³⁹

Some were very despondent about the usefulness of the militia. Lonsdale wrote on 9 September, ‘very little service can be reasonably expected from the militia’; after recounting the difficulties he foresaw in his own jurisdiction, he added that ‘I am afraid your Grace will find the militia in the other northern counties in much the same way’.⁴⁰ Edward Stanley (1689–1776), the eleventh Earl of Derby, Lord Lieutenant of Lancashire, concurred, writing ‘I am not ignorant of the difficulty of raising the Militia of the county, nor have I any great opinion of their usefulness in their present undisciplined state’.⁴¹ Irwin made a similar observation: ‘the little effect the militia would be of, unless we could imagine that they would behave better than in the year fifteen’.⁴²

Edward Montagu, an MP for Huntingdon, took this moment to bemoan the neglect of the militia, asserting that this was the cause of its being useless in the emergency that now existed. He stated that it would be some time before the association forces would be of use, ‘which would not have been otherwise, if the Militia had been kept up and exercised as the law directs instead of being ridiculed these last fifty years’.⁴³

Another method had to be found. On 12 September, Malton suggested to Newcastle that associations be formed and that ‘This is the only method the King’s servants could suggest for the purpose’.⁴⁴ On the other hand, Chandler was cautious and was uncertain as to the legality of the associations.⁴⁵

Newcastle told the deputy lieutenants of Northumberland on 21 September:

the King thinking it absolutely necessary, that the Lords Lieutenant of those countries should have a legal authority to put them in a Condition of Defence in this time of Danger, his Majesty has ordered me to transmit to your Lordship the enclosed warrants authorising and empowering your lordships in the several counties… to form into Troops or Companies such persons as shall be willing to associate themselves.⁴⁶

According to Newcastle, this method had been used previously. As he told Henry Pelham-Clinton (1720–1791), ninth earl of Lincoln and the Lord Lieutenant of Lincoln, ‘This method was practised at the time of the rebellion of 1715, and it has been thought proper to revive it on the present occasion’.⁴⁷

This was to establish Loyal Associations in each county, headed by the Lord Lieutenant. They would hold meetings of the county’s nobility and gentry in order to first formulate a political response. In Yorkshire, there had been a small meeting of a number of the Whig elite (‘all gentlemen well affected’) on 11 September at Sir John Ramsden’s seat at Byram. The numbers subsequently invited were expanded at an open meeting at York on 23–24 September.⁴⁸ As Herring observed to Sir Rowland Winn of Nostell Priory on 14 September, ‘is it not worth consideration whether all the MPs without distinction should not be invited?’⁴⁹

In the meantime, Malton drafted a plan for the defence of Yorkshire. There would be a subscription of six pence in the pound to finance the raising of infantry and cavalry, divided by riding and overseen by a council at York chaired by the archbishop.⁵⁰

Likewise, meetings in Derbyshire were planned. William Cavendish (1698–1755), the third Duke of Devonshire, had been given a royal warrant to form companies as early as 6 September.⁵¹ Thomas Gisborne was optimistic that this would not prove difficult, writing on 14 September that ‘Upon ye whole never soe good a dispatch to serve their Country or appear in Arms’.⁵²

To encourage those in the shires, Newcastle and Hardwicke told them what steps the government were taking for national defence. They spoke of the Dutch troops and also of ten British infantry battalions being sent for, headed by Lieutenant General Jean Ligonier (1690–1770). As Hardwicke told Herring ‘I know this will be some consolation to your Grace’.⁵³ This was important news. It meant that local efforts at defence would be powerfully assisted and that the country was less vulnerable, thus encouraging them in their own attempts to preserve themselves from the Jacobites.

In the midst of such preparations came a bolt from the blue. Shock and dismay, which had already been apparent among some, soared following the defeat of the only British field army in Scotland, which occurred on 21 September at Prestonpans. The only British troops in Scotland were now bottled up in garrisons in castles and forts and there was no one to stop an immediate invasion of England.

Understandably enough, this concern occurred chiefly in the north of England but was also apparent elsewhere. In Newcastle, the press reported that, ‘We are here in great confusion… carts and carriages crowding the streets, to carry off the effects of those who think it safer to remove’.⁵⁴ John Wesley reported likewise: ‘Meanwhile our poor neighbours on either hand were busy in removing their goods: and most of the best houses in our street were left without either furniture or inhabitants. Those within the walls were almost equally busy in carrying away their goods and money and more and more of the gentry every hour rode southward as fast as they could.’⁵⁵ One of these was the Lord Lieutenant himself. Twelve years later, at the onset of another war, Dr John Brown recalled ‘those of every rank above a constable… fled before the rebels… so general was their cowardice and Effeminate Spirit’.⁵⁶

Sir John Clerk of Penicuik, a Lowland Scot, observed that

all the people to that degree that many rich people about Newcastle, Durham and York, had sent off a great deal of their Effects to Holland and Hamburgh, and all of their silver plate, jewels money and such like domestic necessaries were hid under the ground.⁵⁷

Sir Conyers D’Arcy (1685–1758), acting Lord Lieutenant of the north riding of Yorkshire, told Newcastle that ‘the consternation in the whole country has been every great, since the defeat… of the King’s troops from knowing how naked and defenceless they were, had the rebels thought fit to pursue their march this way’.⁵⁸

There were similar responses elsewhere. In October, it was noted that ‘Days of Humiliation and Prayers are appointed in several Dissenting Congregations’.⁵⁹ Manchester Presbyterians were concerned about their material possessions as well, and so ‘sent everything that is valuable away; wives, children and all, for fear of the rebels’.⁶⁰ Sir Henry Hoghton wrote of ‘securing our plate, Writings and Effects, the best way we can’.⁶¹ Others fled to safer places, as Sir John Pennington in Cumberland observed on 23 September: ‘I hear Sir Philip Musgrave’s family are gone for London this day and several other Families are removing out of this country.’⁶²

James Clegg, a Dissenting doctor and minister, in Derbyshire, wrote likewise, ‘All about in a great Consternation under apprehensions of the progress of the Rebellion’.⁶³ Walpole wrote ‘This defeat has frightened everybody but those it rejoices’.⁶⁴ There was alarm in Essex, too, with T. Lennard Barrett writing in early October, ‘We have now been very much alarmed upon Cope’s defeat’. However, he then immediately continued ‘but begin now to Recover our Spirits again’. He was sure that the danger was to be taken seriously, stating ‘it behoves everybody to be upon their guard and to do their utmost to keep out Popery and Slavery’.⁶⁵

John Tucker (died 1779), a Dorset MP, wrote on 24 September:

We are under great uncertaintys as to this affair… ’tis expected the rebels will be much increased by numbers of people that will join them from Edinburgh and that we shall soon hear of them in England… whether they will be able to stop these bold invaders is a question… publick credit is greatly affected, the stocks sink and some people seem to be much dejected, others affect a great indifference and speak of this invasion as a thing of no consequence… what it will end in God only knows.⁶⁶

Herring thought likewise, at least in retrospect, ‘we were first frightened, and as we thought things seemed to be in ultimo discrimine, it was very natural to struggle for such good things as Religion and Liberty and property’.⁶⁷

Yet not all were as worried. Montagu, who had predicted on 17 September, ‘I hope by care and vigilance of those at the helm, it will be soon crushed’, cancelled his meeting in Newcastle once news had come about Edinburgh’s fall. Yet he planned to attend the great meeting at York and after stating the defensive preparations at Newcastle and Durham felt more confident, writing ‘I hope there is no doubt this rebellion will be crushed’. He was determined to run no unnecessary risks.⁶⁸

Miss Savile followed the news and commented unfavourably upon events. The fall of Edinburgh she ascribed to ‘dredfull treachery… It must be more than stupidity’ (Montagu thought so, too, of Edinburgh’s fall, writing ‘I suppose by treachery’). The Secretary of State for Scotland, John Hay, the fourth Marquis of Tweeddale (1695–1762), was castigated for his lack of efficiency. The defeated general, Cope, was referred to as being ‘a Scroundrell’ who was accused of being asleep when the battle began and then ‘was the first that ran away’.⁶⁹ Montagu blamed the common soldiers ‘the King’s forces both horse and foot behaved scandalously’.⁷⁰

Montagu discussed the degeneracy of the times, but was not entirely hopeless: ‘I am still hopeful, notwithstanding all the bad rumours we hear, that the old English spirit, though confessedly sunk in deep slumbers for many years, may yet awake.’ He compared the present situation unfavourably with that of Cromwell’s time, when a numerically inferior English army had defeated the Scots at Dunbar in 1650. Yet he added a remark of Voltaire’s, ‘Les anglois d’aujour’huy ne resemblant aux anglois de Cromwell, non plus que les Monsignori de Rome ne resemblant aux Scipions et aux Catons’ (‘The English of today do not resemble the English of Cromwell’s times any more than the men of Rome resemble those of Scipio’).⁷¹ He later bemoaned the unwarlike nature of England and blamed politicians for this, especially those who had attacked the army in previous years.⁷²

Miss Savile was alarmed ‘This defeat struck the whole Nation (except Papists and Jacobites) into terror and confusion’.⁷³ Her niece, Arabella Thornhagh of Shireoaks, wrote on 28 September, ‘We have been so exceedingly fright’n’d lately, but more particularly this last week, that among the women I daresay none have been able to bestow a thought on anything but their own dreadful situation if this rebellion is not stopp’d in Scotland.’ On receiving this letter Miss Savile wrote, on 30 September, she commented that it was ‘writt in a great fright and terror, ‘twas thought proper Miss Savile should come to London’.⁷⁴

On hearing the result of the battle of Prestonpans, Richard Kay (1716–1751), a Dissenter and doctor of Bury, Lancashire, confided his concerns in his diary entry for 24 September:

Lord, wee hope thou wilt still be favourable to these Lands, notwithstanding the sins that are committed amongst us; we hope thou wilt still espouse the Protestant Cause whereby thy Name is known and worshipped amongst us; we hope thou wilt preserve us from Popish Slavery and vain Idolatory; God be merciful unto us, we know we are in the Hands of God.

On the next day he wrote of hearing more news about the Jacobites, ‘but hear very little good News. Lord, Thy Rod is upon us, let it be for Correction to us, and not for Destruction’.⁷⁵

One reason for such fears was the news and information being printed about the Jacobites, not necessarily accurately. As in all times of confusion, rumours gain credence, especially if they cannot be disproved and if they conform to longstanding beliefs and prejudices. Miss Savile wrote in her diary about Prestonpans, that Colonel James Gardiner was ‘basely shott in the neck behind by a vile Highlander, and after cut and mangled in a horrid manner’. Later, she wrote ‘the Rebells committed great Outrages and crueltys; plunder’d and destroy’d all around’.⁷⁶

On 30 September, Charles Yorke, another of Hardwicke’s sons, wrote that everything achieved since the revolution of 1688 ‘should be in danger of being overwhelmed by the bursting of a cloud, which seemed at first gathering, no bigger than a man’s hand’. He feared an invasion from France and Spain and so ‘who knows what blood may be shed in the quarrel’ if the descent was successful. He was fearful of conquest and all the further ills that would be caused if ‘hungry priests and courtiers would eat up the fat of the land’.⁷⁷

Such concerns persisted in the next month. Herring, for all his public appearances, moved his family out of perceived danger. On 9 October he wrote, ‘the first column of my family went off a week ago, the second moves off on Wednesday, and the third attends my motion’.⁷⁸ On the other hand, some were relieved that the Jacobite army had not marched south, with Malton stating that ‘my wife is in high spirits we are not hearing the rebels make any advance from Edinburgh’.⁷⁹ Likewise, Anne Worsley calmly noted the military and volunteer defensible steps being taken so was calm: ‘we are pretty sure of getting the better if no French steals in to assist the Highlanders’.⁸⁰

Fear and flight were not the only reactions. Walpole wrote, ‘The good people of England have at last rubbed their eyes and looked about them. A wonderful spirit is arisen in all counties, and among all sorts of people. The nobility are raising regiments, and everybody else is – being raised.’ He highlighted that meeting at York and the roles of the archbishop there.⁸¹ Likewise, Tucker wrote, on 8 October, ‘There seems to be a generall spirit over the nation to Rise against the Pretender’.⁸²

Meetings took place throughout the north of England, as had already been planned before the seismic news arrived. On 21 September, ‘a very good number of the Gentlemen of Northumberland met and unanimously agreed (rather than raise the militia) to furnish men horses and arms and the whole of the county will most cheerfully consent to that means of Defence’.⁸³ On 23 September, there was a meeting of the Durham deputy lieutenants.⁸⁴

Although the first meeting in Yorkshire had been small and of the politically like-minded, the general meeting in York on 24 September included Tories as well as Whigs; apparently, some 813 men attended. There were even Catholic noblemen such as Lord Fauconberg and he had attended the private meeting of the previous day.⁸⁵

Herring gave a short speech to those assembled at the York meeting. He began by stating what everyone there would have already known; viz., the shocking defeat of Sir John Cope’s army at Prestonpans three days ago and the fact that a Jacobite invasion of England might now be imminent. The question was, therefore, that they ‘make the best provision we can against it’.⁸⁶

Herring then gave reasons why action was necessary, noting that the Jacobites in Scotland were doubtless being aided by France and Spain, ‘our savage and bloodthirsty enemies’. Should they succeed, it would lead to the establishment throughout Britain of ‘Popery and Arbitrary Power’, and these being imposed ‘under the Influence and Direction of these two Tyrannical and Corrupted Crowns’. He then contrasted this nightmare to their current happy status quo, as under George II, there had been no attempt to take away any man’s liberty, property or religion. This was a ‘mild Administration of a Just and Protestant King’ which was now endangered.⁸⁷

The audience was then complimented on being sufficiently aware of the danger to attend the meeting. They were reminded that they, representing the county, had to act: ‘This County, as it exceeds every other for its Extent and Riches, so it very naturally takes the Lead of the Inferior Ones.’ What was needed was for Yorkshire to make an example of its actions so other counties would follow in doing likewise. Money was needed, too, ‘as the same time that your Hearts go along with the Association, your hands will be open to support the necessary Measures of Self-Defence’.⁸⁸

There were a number of clergymen (215, or just over a quarter of those present) at the meeting and Herring addressed them specifically, instructing them to ‘instruct and animate your People’ and to speak up against the dangers of Catholicism and France. In conclusion, he stated that all present must unite ‘to stop this dangerous Mischief’. He implored God’s help in creating unity to oppose foes and to inspire the government and army to do so.⁸⁹

Walpole wrote of the speech:

Dr Herring, the archbishop of York, has set an example that would rouse the most indifferent: in two days after the news arrived at York of Cope’s defeat, and when they every moment expected the victorious rebels at their gates, the Bishop made a speech to the assembled county, that had as much true spirit, honesty and bravery in it, as ever was penned by a historian for an ancient hero.⁹⁰

George II was also impressed; according to Lady Hardwicke, ‘his majesty has ordered his hearty thanks to be returned to him for the zeal and fidelity he has shown on this important occasion’.⁹¹ Montagu, who was actually there, was equally gratified. He told of the attendees, ‘the greatest meeting of peoples of all Ranks and degrees that I believe was ever known on any occasion… There was the utmost unanimity and spirit imaginable’.⁹² It was published widely and so reached a far wider audience; one newspaper added that it ‘deserves to be written in letters of gold and hopes it will be found in the hands of every Protestant freeholder in this Nation’.⁹³ Herbert Arthur Herbert (1703–1772), Lord Herbert of Shropshire, requested a copy of the Yorkshire proceedings and subscription.⁹⁴

One reason for its success that it was held on as bipartisan grounds as possible. Herring planned it this way, writing nine days prior to the meeting: ‘I am considering how to make it general, and as I know and converse with men of both parties, and with equal civility, I try to recommend it to all as a case of common danger.’ Thus, he contacted Tory MPs in Yorkshire such as George Fox, Godfrey Wentworth and Christopher Dawnay.⁹⁵ Wentworth wrote ‘I am very sensible of how little assistance I am capable of giving… But I am desirous… at least to contribute as much as in my power to His Majesty’s service.’⁹⁶ This was noticed, with William Hewitt writing, of the association, ‘they behav’d with a great deal of spirit & the Tories & clergy joyn’d very heartily with the Whiggs upon this occasion’.⁹⁷

Herring’s address became well known because it was widely reprinted. Hardwicke recommended this, writing ‘It deserves to be published and that the topics and animated spirit of your composition are calculated to do much good’.⁹⁸ John Hildyard, a York bookseller, sold it as a pamphlet which he advertised in his own newspaper.⁹⁹ It was also reprinted in other newspapers. Hardwicke hoped that the York Association would be followed by others, ‘God grant that the glorious example they have set may be followed by other counties’. One reason for this was the fortuitous timing, coming just after the news of Prestonpans, ‘in this gloomy and melancholy season’.¹⁰⁰

There were numerous other meetings held in counties and corporate towns and cities throughout England in late September and early October. They were usually headed by the county lord lieutenant or the city’s mayor and held in a public house in the county town. One of the later ones was that held in Hertfordshire under the auspices of William Clavering-Cowper (1709–1764), second Earl Cowper of Panshanger, the lord lieutenant, which met on 7 October.¹⁰¹

The meeting in Berkshire occurred even later, with the lord lieutenant, Charles Beauclerk (1696–1751), the second Duke of St. Albans, sending letters to his deputies and the JPs to meet at Reading Town Hall on 12 October. The clerk of the peace, William Brookland, also took the liberty of inserting an advert in the county newspaper to alert those wishing to attend and the meeting was opened up to clergy and freeholders as well as the nobility and gentry.¹⁰² Apparently, 500 attended it and there were further meetings on 24 October and 1 November. As with Hertfordshire, the plan was to raise men; the figure of 1,000 was fixed on.¹⁰³

Some of these meetings went as well as that at York. At Bristol, Augustus Berkeley (1715–1755), the fourth Earl of Berkeley, Lord Lieutenant of Gloucestershire, observed ‘people were so unanimous that even them that had not spoken to one another for years are all reconciled and a great spirit amongst them on this occasion for His Majesty’s service’.¹⁰⁴ At Exeter there was a ‘unanimous desire of my fellow citizens’ to form an association.¹⁰⁵ There were humbler associations; the woollen manufacturers of Stroud in Gloucestershire offered Berkeley that they would raise themselves and their dependants into regiments or companies, whichever his lordship desired.¹⁰⁶

These meetings were not always as successful as that at York. At Durham, Sir George Bowes (1701–1760), MP, wrote, ‘What a poor meeting there was at the castle last Tuesday… I was greatly struck at the absence of some and the coolness of others.’¹⁰⁷ There was a similar ambivalence at Preston on 3 October, when Derby lamented ‘the event has not answered our expectations’ and he attributed this to the news of the defeat of the King’s army at Prestonpans, ‘which causes here the utmost consternation’, leading men to believe that any attempt they made to resist the Jacobites would be doomed to disaster.¹⁰⁸ This was despite one commentator noting ‘an excellent speech [was] made by the Earl of Derby seconded by Mr Bootle’.¹⁰⁹

There was also a lack of unity in Cornwall. George Edgcumbe (1720–1795), Lord Edgcumbe, wrote after a meeting of the county notables,

I wish it could have been accompanied by a subscription, which I proposed immediately to be enter’d into, but after three hours talk we could not meet on any point… after having bound ourselves to perform, we have taken no one towards it.¹¹⁰

Likewise, in Dorset, though Earl Poulett confidently wrote beforehand, that he

shall in consequence of everything in my power to forward and promote an association in this county, & doubt not a very great zeal will be shewn on this concern, most of ye great towns, & ye common people here express their desire to distinguish themselves in support of His Majesty’s Person and Government, and if some particular gentlemen should appear backward on this occasion, I flatter myself that ye common people are too much alarmed to be deluded by them.¹¹¹

However, after the meeting at Bridgwater, he reported ‘all of them against any subscription or even association’.¹¹² At Huntingdon, there were two meetings on the same night on the same subject.¹¹³

Edgcumbe and Poulett discussed the reasons for such disappointing results. The former said that they had no arms and queried the length of service needed, how much pay would be forthcoming, and whether or not the men would have to leave the county. Edgcumbe wrote that to these questions, ‘which I nor anybody else could resolve’. Yet many gentlemen were ready to accept commissions. However, ‘We are in an actual helpless way, no arms, no money, no plans of execution of one thing, not even forming & paying such companies as may be raised’.¹¹⁴ Those in Dorset were even more opposed, arguing that ‘if Parliament had ye command of their purses that they would however express their zeal for His majesty in strong words’. They claimed that paying additional bounties for men to join existing regiments was ‘only putting so much money into officers’ pockets’. They argued that the King was so wealthy that he could pay for additional forces with his own money. Subscriptions were unconstitutional, contrary to parliament and a double tax.¹¹⁵

In Huntingdon, John Montagu (1718–1792), fourth Earl of Sandwich, said that there would be insufficient money in their small county with its too few gentlemen that they would be unable to do more than to raise two companies of men. They could be incorporated into the battalion that John Russell (1710–1717), fourth Duke of Bedford, was raising. Robert Montagu (1710–1762), Duke of Manchester, was opposed to this as it ‘would leave our county destitute of all defence’ and he refused to subscribe.¹¹⁶

The meetings would send a loyal declaration to the King that they would support him to the utmost of their ability. More than words were needed, however. The meetings would then discuss how they could match actions to words. Manchester wrote ‘addresses are but words, I hope we shall undertake something more solid that will give a substantial proof of the sincerity of our expressions’.¹¹⁷

Unusually in Hertfordshire there were two separate listings of names. There was a list of those who wanted to sign the loyal association and there was another list of those who wanted to sign the subscription list; 137 people signed both lists, with 267 signing the subscription list only and 36 the association list only. It is possible that some were deterred from putting their names to the association list because of the strong language used in its wording: ‘We and every one of us will stand by and assist each other in the Support and Defence of His Majesty’s sacred Person and Government’, whereas the wording on the subscription list was merely ‘We the underwritten Persons do Voluntarily promise to pay the several Sums… to the better carrying the Association of the County of Hertford.’¹¹⁸

This would need money as these were independent undertakings which were not relying on the Exchequer. Those present at the meeting would pledge a certain sum; the wealthier the individual, the greater the sum. This would not be paid to the association’s treasurer at once, but it represented that named individual’s total financial commitment. Payments were made when they were needed; with an initial payment being made immediately. These were subscriptions, therefore, and the subscribers’ names and amounts promised were published, doubtless to encourage others as well as indicating the loyalty of the subscribers.

Apart from being broadcast at these meetings, there were also notices in the press and the clergy also spread the word. Newcastle told the Lord Lieutenant of Lincoln: ‘The minister of a parish is desired to notify this matter to his parishioners.’¹¹⁹ The Rev. Mark Hildesley of Hitchin, Hertfordshire, wrote ‘I would for my part be ready to publish it here on Sunday’.¹²⁰

The clergy and the press were prominent in Hertfordshire in collecting money there. The Rev. Hildesley wrote ‘subscriptions had been promoted among people of substance in all market towns and elsewhere, as well as amongst Gentn of distinguished Fortunes that were not present at ye assembly’.¹²¹ Anglican and Dissenting ministers joined forces; as the Rev. Webster wrote, ‘Mr Lister the Dissenting teacher, will joyn with me in the application’.¹²² Mr Davies, vicar of St. Paul’s in Walden, conducted door-to-door collections.¹²³ The Rev. John Rooke of Willian was asked to solicit subscriptions from his neighbours.¹²⁴ Apart from such personal appeals, posters were distributed in market towns and adverts placed in newspapers; one John Allen alluded to the latter when he wrote to subscribe, ‘This is, I think, according to the advert published in the papers’.¹²⁵ The Northumberland and Durham Associations put adverts in the press for money.¹²⁶

Herring was worried about money matters, writing ‘I have my fears about a subscription… The money must be paid upon the nail’; six days later, however, he realised such fears were groundless: ‘the subscription, which is going on, was very large and chearful’.¹²⁷ Payments varied according to status and wealth. The Duke of Bolton, Lord Lieutenant of Hampshire, and thus at the apex of county society, subscribed £1,000 to the county association. Benjamin Hoadley (1676–1761), bishop of Winchester, subscribed £200. Peter Delme, MP for Southampton, subscribed £100. Mrs Anne Bennett of Fareham promised £20 and William Bignell of Lymington subscribed £2 2s.¹²⁸ Clergy were prominent; at the Yorkshire subscription, 334 paid in, with Herring contributing the most at £200, Dr Jacques Sterne, a Precentor at York Minister, offering £50 and the Rev. John Dupont £5 5s.¹²⁹ Sums raised were diverse. Yorkshire raised £31,353 14s 3d, but Durham only £795 2s 10½d.¹³⁰ Bristol raised £30,000 by 14 October and more was expected.¹³¹ In Hampshire, the total was £16,000 and in Lancashire £11,000.¹³² In the corporations, York raised £2,556 13s 1d and at Liverpool it was about £6,000.¹³³ Kingston upon Hull raised £1,942 7s 12d for the same purpose.¹³⁴ Hertfordshire subscribed £10,194 15s.¹³⁵

At Norwich, £10,000 was raised in just a few hours. A contemporary historian argued that this was all proof of ‘Such a sense of the national security and Desire to maintain it, had diffused itself through all Ranks of People, and united them as one Man, to repel the common calamity, which threatened their security.’¹³⁶

Socially, the net was cast wide, with a York newspaper declaring ‘almost every town in the county has rais’d sums… even the small villages are not behind in their duty, the farmers imposing on themselves a tax of 2s/£1 or upwards’.¹³⁷ Herring wrote ‘The Lord mayor told me… that the lowest of the citizens contributed something.’¹³⁸ When Sheffield subscribed £700, Malton wrote ‘I doubt not all trading towns will follow this laudable example’.¹³⁹ James Ray noted that in Liverpool,

the chearfulness and Alacrity with which everyone contributed to the forwarding of this noble design: since even the poorest Sort did not refuse to cast in their mite, and the rich were not slack in their giving, according to their Abilities.¹⁴⁰

There were humbler associations, too, which raised money for the same cause in and around London and Middlesex. Tower Hamlets raised £3,000 and Hackney £1,500. In Rotherhithe, £1,240 was promised. Stoke Newington raised £700 and the parishes of Tottenham, Edmonton and Enfield all promised nearly as much.¹⁴¹

A reference to such by a payee relates how this worked. On 3 October Arthur Jessop (1682–1751), a Dissenter of Holmfirth, Yorkshire, recorded ‘The Chief Constable came to collect money to raise men against the rebels, & I gave him 2s.’ Five days later, he noted that Mr Crofts, a Dissenting minister, and one Mr Armitage were ‘going about… to collect money to raise forces against the Rebels and they would get a deal of money’.¹⁴²

It was not only natural supporters of the government who promised money. Catholics and Tories also did so. One Mordaunt wrote on 8 October that

there seems to be a thorough spirit of loyalty now & great zeal shewn, even ye papists behave well & own their gratitude to the Royal Family & many have added to ye subscriptions made in several countys for ye raising of regiments.¹⁴³

At York, ‘even the Roman Catholics contributed, and that very chearfully’. In Lancashire, ‘even the Catholics of the best distinction shew’d their zeal for the government’.¹⁴⁴ Tories such as Sir Richard Grosvenor, who was deemed suspect, subscribed £2,000 and the two York MPs, both Tories, subscribed to the county association.¹⁴⁵

Former opponents of the government were eager to display their loyalty; one was John Leveson-Gower (1694–1754), first Earl Gower, Lord Lieutenant of Staffordshire, who chaired a meeting on 9 October to raise a loyal association, as Francis Eld, a JP, informed his brother:

my thanks and great obligation to my lord for his firm steady attachment to His Majesty King George and our constitution in the several great employments he held under the King and how happy we were who were friends to the house of Hanover in this county in having his lordship our Lieutenant, that our county had been formerly looked upon as seditious and mutinous, but that I found and had made it my business to enquire that no county was more likeable and more eager and the common people more steady for the Protestant religion.¹⁴⁶

These subscriptions came under near-contemporary attack by Dr Brown of Newcastle, writing a decade later, ‘It has been urged indeed, as a proof that the national spirit of defence is not yet extinguished, that we raised large sums… This is weak reasoning… The capital question therefore still remains, “Not you shall pay, but who shall fight”.’¹⁴⁷ We shall return to this, but without money such enterprises would go nowhere.

The money stated by a subscriber’s name was the total amount of money that that person was prepared to pay in total towards the association. It was to be paid in portions over time as the situation required it. Those attending the meetings of the association would pay their first instalment then and thereafter places were appointed where a collector would receive their money and provide a receipt. In Hertfordshire’s case, a tenth of the sum promised was to be paid immediately. Latecomers and others could thereafter pay Bostock Teller, the clerk to the association committee at Hertford or George Pembroke, receiver General at St. Alban’s or at Garraway’s coffee house near the Royal Exchange in London.¹⁴⁸

Those not attending the meetings certainly noted them. On hearing the news of the meeting about the Lancashire Association, Kay wrote ‘Lord stand up for us; plead our cause against an ungodly Nation’.¹⁴⁹ Clegg wrote ‘our Gentlemen sett out to meet the Duke of Devonshire at Derby to concert Measures for raising forces for the defence of the Nation’.¹⁵⁰ Jessop commented ‘The Gentlemen of the County of York have a general meeting this day. They reckon there would be a vast number of gentlemen to consider what method to take to prevent the Rebels from coming into Yorkshire.’¹⁵¹

The purposes of some of these meetings was to raise armed volunteers and form them into military units. Officers were chosen and men were sought. The Lords Lieutenant were the colonels. Irwin and D’Arcy were thus the colonels of the east and north riding of Yorkshire regiments. Malton’s son, Charles Watson-Wentworth, Lord Higham (1730–1782), was one of the three colonels of the west riding regiments; the others were Sir Rowland Winn of Nostell Priory and Sir John Ramsden.

More junior officers were drawn from the ranks of the gentry and merchants as volunteers did not need reimbursement. In Yorkshire, six of the captains of the west riding regiments were baronets. Captain Danby wrote that his two subordinate officers were both ‘possessed of a considerable landed estate’.¹⁵² The junior officers from the Liverpool Blues were mostly merchants and officeholders in government service, as befitted a major commercial town. Walter Shairp, who was a lieutenant and wrote the regiment’s history, was a merchant, born in Lowland Scotland in 1724. According to a contemporary historian, ‘they had not been bred in the military way, being mostly tradesmen, gentlemen, &c.’¹⁵³ Of the captains whose professions that we know, three were merchants, four were employed in the customs; one as collector, one was a landwaiter and one as tide surveyor and another in an unknown role.¹⁵⁴

There seems an enthusiasm among young men to become officers in these formations. Gower reported that he had been inundated with applications for posts under him. Ralph Congreve was one and he looked forward to action in order to help retrieve the county’s reputation for Jacobitism.¹⁵⁵

Not all approved of this system, however. Lonsdale wrote on 24 September, ‘no force worth mentioning can be expected to be raised by voluntary subscription’.¹⁵⁶ In this he was proved wrong. The men in the ranks were not all from the lower social orders, many were not those who would ordinarily have enlisted. This was only enlistment for a relatively short duration and would not take them far from their homes. Herring wrote that ‘the greatest part of these men are above being common soldiers’ and had been ‘brought up in trades and many are the sons of wealthy farmers’.¹⁵⁷ Captain Robinson, wrote of the men in his company, ‘consisting chiefly of freeholders and others fixt in some kind of business’.¹⁵⁸ Irwin wrote ‘by far the greatest part of the seven east riding companies are farmers’ sons or servants’.¹⁵⁹ John Metcalf (1717–1810), of Knaresborough, wrote that his fellow volunteers were mostly carpenters, smiths and artificers.¹⁶⁰ Of the City of York volunteers, the poll book of 1741 shows that the men in the ranks were chiefly shopkeepers and craftsmen of the City; these included seven tailors, five labourers, four joiners and four bricklayers, to name the most common professions.¹⁶¹ The Chatsworth contingent of the Derbyshire forces included 12 labourers, 11 miners and a variety of butchers, gardeners, weavers, a tailor, a mason and a carpenter. They were aged between 16 and 33, with an average age of 24.¹⁶² In Staffordshire, though, it was reported that the majority of the recruits were ‘dower’; that is to say, comprised of the unemployed, vagrants and those in poor health.¹⁶³

Recruiting seems to have been straightforward and relatively fast. Malton wrote that ‘the whole mob of the county [are] with us’.¹⁶⁴ Gertrude Savile’s brother was a captain and he raised a company of 50 men in just three or four days.¹⁶⁵ It seems that some captains were inundated with volunteers, Captain Hall of the north riding companies said that he had so many he could afford to be selective and so those he chose were ‘pick’d men, young, tall and strong’.¹⁶⁶ Metcalf noted that 140 men volunteered for William Thornton’s company, but that only 64 were picked.¹⁶⁷

Economic reasons may have played their part in recruitment. Herring wrote that the crisis ‘has put an absolute stop to trade and business… for want of business in the W. Riding has made it much easier to raise soldiers there, for the manufacturer has no other way to get bread’.¹⁶⁸ Yet there were other motives. There seems to have been a great enthusiasm to have done so. Malton wrote ‘It would be easy to raise thousands more would money and stores hold out’. This was because the common people being furious in our cause’.¹⁶⁹ A Sheffield gentleman wrote ‘Only is not easy to conceive how heartily affected people are here to the present government’.¹⁷⁰ In Leeds, ‘the manufacturers enlist very cheerfully, and there is no sign of disaffection there’.¹⁷¹ In Staffordshire, ‘great numbers of volunteers have already enlisted and there appears such willingness to enter His Majesty’s service.¹⁷²

Recruiting was in part by the use of existing social contacts. Apparently 200 of Lord Gower’s tenants agreed to either enlist as volunteers personally or to procure other able-bodied men to serve in their stead.¹⁷³ Metcalf described his experiences in his autobiography. He was approached by William Thornton, a gentleman in the north riding of Yorkshire. Metcalf already knew Thornton because as a fiddler he had played in a musical entertainment at Thornton’s house the previous Christmas. Metcalf wrote that in 1745 Thornton ‘treated him liberally wth punch and informing him that the French were coming to join the Scots rebels, the consequence of which would be, that if not vigorously opposed, they would violate all our wives, daughters and sisters’. Metcalf did not need to be told twice and joined the company ‘instantly’. He was then asked if ‘he knew any spirited fellows who were likely to make good soldiers’. Metcalf assisted with recruiting and as his recruitment line he ‘promised great military advancement, or in default of that, places of vast profit under the government… thus following the example of other decoy ducks, by promising unlikely things’.¹⁷⁴

Likewise there was the example of fellow Yorkshireman William Todd, who was 21 years of age in 1745. Initially, he was not particularly interested when a recruiting captain for the Yorkshire Association asked him whether he wanted to enlist. He said no. The captain, one Grimston, then spoke to Todd’s employer, one Mr Featherstone and then the latter approached the young man:

he said that the turnpike must be given Over, & that all business would be at a stand until the Rebellion was ceas’d. As he told me, I only should Inlist for two Months, & have a shilling a day, & he would either give me or my father a Bond of what sum we pleas’d, that I should be at liberty at two Months End if I chused it. As he said, that both he & everyone that could carry arms should be obliged to go if the Rebels were not stopt very shortly.¹⁷⁵

Irwin reported that many men volunteered for service ‘out of love and regard for ye gentlemen who command each company’.¹⁷⁶ Yet it was not all plain sailing. Some men were perturbed from joining; as Mr Draper of Bridlington explained: ‘ye men [were] under such a terror of ye highland swords that they were backward in associating with Captain Boynton’. Draper solved the problem by enlisting in the company as a ranker, sharing the men’s quarters and performing the same duties as they did. This had the effect wished for and within two days the company was complete.¹⁷⁷

The men were also paid. In the case of the York City volunteers, pay was as follows; sergeants 2s per day; corporals and drummers 1s 6d per day and privates 1s per day. Officers who were, or who were assumed to be, gentlemen served for free.¹⁷⁸ However, the Derbyshire Blues paid captains 8s per day, lieutenants 4s and ensigns 3s, though sergeants received less than their Yorkshire counterparts (at 1s 6d per day) and corporals a mere 1s 3d. Privates were paid 1s.¹⁷⁹ Irwin remarked his officers ‘embarked on this affair without thought of pay’.¹⁸⁰ Privates in the county forces received the same as well as a bounty of 5s on enlistment.

The men were formed into companies among military lines, with each commanded by a captain and the junior officers being a lieutenant and ensign.¹⁸¹ They were then uniformed and armed. The Yorkshire Association companies wore blue coats and so were known as the Yorkshire Blues. The contract for the uniforms was given to Richard Milnes, a clothier from Wakefield and a known government supporter. The coats were blue lined with red. There were also hats, breeches, knapsacks and cockades, though these latter items took longer to arrive (the blue coats were ready in October) as they had to come from elsewhere.¹⁸² The uniforms worn by the York City companies are not exactly known; coats, breeches, hats and cockades were supplied to each man once contracts had been made with City drapers. Apart from the fact that there were blue hat ribbons, the other colours are unknown. Officers were most expensive to uniform, costing eight guineas each per captain; six guineas per lieutenant and four per ensign, whilst privates had 18s per man spent in their outfitting.¹⁸³ Both the County and City forces also carried flags.¹⁸⁴ Thornton found that clothiers were unwilling to work on Sundays when he went to Leeds to fit out his men, so he taunted them thus: ‘You rascals! If your houses were on fire, would you not be glad to extinguish the flames on a Sunday’ and so the work commenced.¹⁸⁵

Arming a relatively large number of men at short notice was a challenge. Lonsdale wrote despairingly of the Cumberland and Westmorland militia: ‘Their arms are extremely bad and it is impossible to gain new ones in so short a time as they shall probably have.’¹⁸⁶ Most Englishmen did not possess arms suitable for battle and stores were held centrally and with manufacturers. Efforts were made to remedy this. As early as 12 September, Thomas Gisborne of Derbyshire referred to his having contacted a Mr Chase of Birmingham about acquiring rather better muskets and swords than were available locally.¹⁸⁷

Parishes were meant to retain arms for public use. Micklegate ward of York provided the city association with 129 guns, 114 bayonets and 83 swords; other parishes there had 131 guns and 94 bayonets.¹⁸⁸ They were distributed to whitesmiths to clean and repair. Shortly afterwards, Thomas Alanson and Martin Croft were instructed to make bullets from lead. Thomas Taylor made 240 cartouche boxes.¹⁸⁹ At the end of October, four casks of gunpowder were ordered.¹⁹⁰

Yet at the beginning of November it was found that these arms were not wholly adequate. Only 42 of the muskets were found to be usable. Robert Watkin of Birmingham agreed to supply 100 muskets and bayonets at the cost of 23s 6d per pair. The remainder were to be found by offering Malton a number of blunderbusses, which the corporation bought from Watkin, in exchange for his surplus stock.¹⁹¹

Arming the rather larger number of Association forces was another matter. The west riding militia armoury certainly was inadequate, as it only held 45 pikes, 30 halberds, 30 drums and 45 drum sticks.¹⁹² At first, it seemed straightforward enough. Irwin was advised to contact Birmingham gunsmiths, as occurred in Derbyshire, but he seems not to have followed up this advice.¹⁹³ Instead, Malton, having spoken to Winn and others, wrote on 19 September, to Newcastle ‘it is his opinion as well as that of other gentlemen, to desire of your Ma[jes]tie to promise us a sufficient quantity of arms and ammunition to be sent immediately into this county’.¹⁹⁴ Several days later, Irwin and D’Arcy did likewise for the men of their own ridings.¹⁹⁵ Newcastle promptly, on 21 September, instructed the Board of Ordnance to ‘give immediate directions for sending to Hull 1,200 stand of arms with a proportionate quantity of ammunition [to]… be delivered… as shall be necessary for the Troops that may be raised by virtue of the commissions’.¹⁹⁶ Newcastle informed Malton of this on 25 September, saying that he would ‘send immediate directions to the Master General of the Ordnance to send by land carriage to Hull the arms and ammunition desired… and directions will be given to the officers at Hull to deliver them when required to your lordship, my Lord Irwin and Sir Conyers D’Arcy’.¹⁹⁷

Newcastle’s statement to the Board of Ordnance, that 1,500 muskets would be sent, was seen as inadequate by Malton for the county forces numbered over 2,000 men.¹⁹⁸ However, weeks passed and no arms arrived. Malton was becoming despondent, as he told Fitzwilliam on 14 October,

I am in a violent passion and am very desirous to beg all my commissions may be superseded and put into worthier hands nothing restrains me from taking that step but the confusion it must put the affairs of the publick into in this country.¹⁹⁹

Herring felt it necessary to tell Hardwicke of this, writing on 19 October, ‘What no news of ye arms yet? Do they tend to despise all we do to defend ourselves and tell the world so?… Will they put us… at the mercy of these ruffians?… Have we deserved this neglect?… Are the ministers asleep?’²⁰⁰

Meanwhile, the Board of Ordnance could not understand the difficulties that Malton and his peers lay under, as they pointed out to Newcastle:

The constant practice and custom of the Office of the Ordnance, which is not for the Office of Ordnance to send arms to those that want them, but only to pack them and deliver them to the agents of the persons by whom the arms were ordered, who always receive them from the Tower and send them to the respective places.²⁰¹

The Board had sent, on both 2 and 8 October, 1,200 muskets and bayonets to the stores in Hull. They also sent 360 swords and a like number of carbines and pistols. The storekeeper at Hull had been told that he must then contact the lords lieutenant in Yorkshire to tell them that their arms had arrived. Newcastle forwarded a copy of this letter to all three Yorkshire Lieutenants on 23 October.²⁰² Irwin wrote ‘The Custom and practice of the Office of Ordnance I am a perfect stranger to’.²⁰³

For Liverpool, again, as with York and Yorkshire, lacked a sufficient number of their own arms, having only 220 muskets, 154 pistols and 25 swords in the corporation’s possession.²⁰⁴ Newcastle, presumably on the corporation’s urging, told the Board of Ordnance on 18 and 26 October that the following weapons should be sent to Liverpool: 800 muskets, powder and ball, 16 drums and 24 halberds.²⁰⁵ We shall note their arrival in the next chapter.

In Derbyshire, the method of acquiring arms was rather different. Viscount Duncannon was Devonshire’s son in law and a Derby MP. He was in London on 15 October and approached Montague over the matter. The latter said that Devonshire must write to Newcastle to ask for the quantity needed and in this the number should be precise.²⁰⁶ Delays caused by the illness of a major official meant that it was 11 days later that Hartington could tell his father that the weapons would be transported from the Tower by wagon northwards on Monday. There would be ‘28 chests containing 700 Musquets & Bayonets, 300 & 90 cartouche boxes, & 900 and 50 frogs which are things to carry Bayonets in’.²⁰⁷ They arrived in Derby on 30 October and took a fortnight to distribute.²⁰⁸

The Durham Association found arming their men a difficulty. Bowes wrote of ‘the great want of arms in this county… we cannot but think it is a little hard that the other counties should be indulged in every respect’. Arms seized from Catholics were repaired and employed. Eventually of the 148 men, 123 had carbines and 115 had both pistols and swords.²⁰⁹ In Northumberland, guns, bayonets and swords were requested to be handed in to specified locations in prominent market towns in the county for the association’s use.²¹⁰

Some of these associations had cavalry. Malton hoped that six troops each of 80 dragoons could be raised.²¹¹ It was not to be. Irwin claimed this was because of ‘the difficulty of getting horses to mount the men was not to be got over’. Malton thought it was due to the lack of money.²¹² However, both the Durham and Northumberland associations included some cavalry.²¹³

Finally, there was usually some form of training. Irwin was approached by Major Charles Wedell, who had once served in Irwin’s father’s infantry battalion. He offered to put the men through their paces, and this began on 10 October and took about a month.²¹⁴ Three of Irwin’s company captains had had experience of military service.²¹⁵ Malton’s men were assisted by retired lieutenant colonel Charles Greenwood, who had served at Dettingen in 1743. Captain Rowlandson, a former dragoon officer, also assisted.²¹⁶ No such assistance was given to D’Arcy’s men, but one of his captains reported that there were ‘sergeants and corporals, two of whom seem to know their duty’, perhaps due to former military service.²¹⁷ Chelsea Pensioners were sent to assist Irwin towards the end of October.²¹⁸

Several references were made to training. Malton wrote that Greenwood, who he referred to as ‘General’ and ‘an excellent sergeant’, had been drilling his own company of volunteers making ‘severall movements in the slope and down to the Parterre’ of his grounds at Watson-Wentworth near Sheffield.²¹⁹ Herring wrote of the volunteers being drilled.²²⁰ It was not until the end of October that Captain Chomley wrote ‘I shall endeavour to have them learn their exercises as soon as I can’.²²¹ In Liverpool, Shairp wrote that in October ‘we were imployed in discipling the Soldiers by their diffr’t Companys in which they made very great Progress’.²²²

The role of these forces, except from the Liverpool Blues, was limited and local. The York City volunteers were assigned to Robert Sowerby’s school room above Thursday market cross as their guard room. This was to be equipped with beds.²²³ Their main function seems to have been to provide guards at the city’s four bars. Herring wrote that they were strictly guarded and ‘none permitted to come in or go out of the city without examination’.²²⁴ However, there was an order passed on 25 October that any man who relieved any citizen of food or drink would be punished.²²⁵

Apart from such duties, the men took part on days on which there were loyalist celebrations. The first of these was 30 October, the King’s birthday. The volunteers marched down Micklegate, through Coney Street, then the Pavement, before reaching All Hallows’ church. There they were given drinks to toast the King’s health. Apparently, this was done also to show the subscribers that the men they were paying for were able to perform soldierly exercises. On 5 November, the men were given free beer as part of the city celebrations on that auspicious day in which bonfires were lit in the city.²²⁶ Similar activity took place for the Liverpool Blues, too, for Shairp wrote that ‘now & then lining the streets in honour of the Mayor & Corporation on any Publick days’.²²⁷

Opinion was that the military value of the troops was limited, with Herring writing that ‘though they cannot oppose a regular force, they will employ indigent and idle people, awe the papists and are more than a match for any home commotions’.²²⁸ D’Arcy was not confident that his men were in a position to do much, noting on 1 November that, ‘We are still very backward. The clothes not yet delivered and arms for no more than 264 men.’²²⁹ Hardwicke, however, thought their use was somewhat different:

I lay more weight upon the evidence and eclat that will arise from such meetings and Associations of the zeal and spirit, and good affections of His Majesty’s subjects in support of his government and against the Pretender, than upon the military utility of the troops, without having excluding that. For I think it material to convince Foreign Powers (as I told the King today) that the appearances in England are very different to those in Scotland, and that they may be mistaken if they take their measures from the latter.²³⁰

Yet there was another use of such monies as raised by some county associations, mostly in the southern and Midlands counties. One such method of showing loyalty, but with potentially a greater military use was for noblemen to raise regiments of soldiers to fight. Men would be raised and would be formed into battalions to fight alongside the regular army. These were called ‘the noblemen’s regiments’ and eventually thirteen of infantry and two of cavalry were formed. Some of the infantry battalions served in Cumberland’s army in England, but were never to see action as they did not march into Scotland. The only regiment to see service was that of Evelyn Pierrepoint (1711–1773), the second Duke of Kingston, formed in Nottinghamshire and which fought at Culloden. The majority, however, performed garrison duties throughout England; those founded in Cornwall never left the county. Others were raised in Cheshire, Hampshire, Nottinghamshire, Gloucestershire, Lincolnshire and Bedfordshire.²³¹ The Northampton regiment enlisted 500 men in eight days and more were expected in the next week to complete the quota.²³²

They were of various military use. Cumberland wrote of Bedford’s battalion, ‘they will rather be a hindrance than a service to me, for this Regiment was represented to be the forwardest of them, yet neither Men nor Officers know what they are about, so how they will be before an Enemy, God only knows’.²³³ Later he ordered four of them to garrison duty with the comment: ‘They may be made with time very useful, if this war is to draw into length, but at present they will not be much wanted.’²³⁴ Of Kingston’s Horse, however, he wrote ‘I cannot sufficiently commend the Behaviour of that Regiment upon all Occasions, or the Readiness with which they undergoe all the Service & Fatigues they are involved in.’²³⁵

The second method was to use the associations’ money to pay additional bounties to persuade men who would not otherwise want a military career, to join the army for the duration of the crisis. On 24 October, the committee formed in Hertfordshire decided that they would do this, to ‘find what Number of Able bodied men… may conveniently be enlisted to serve in the King’s Army’. Recruits had to be over five feet four inches tall, aged between 17 and 45 and able bodied. They were assured that they would not serve overseas and would leave after six months’ service. A list of such men was to be drawn up for the committee’s next meeting at The Glove and Dolphin Inn, Hertford.²³⁶

Other associations followed suit, including those of Berkshire, Surrey and Middlesex. On a lesser level, Northampton corporation did likewise, spending £5 1s to encourage men to enlist in the army for the duration of the crisis, and spending an addition 5s for the constables to assist in this and a further £1 2s 8d for ribbons and cockades for the hats of the new enlisted men.²³⁷

However, the militia were also raised in some instances, following an order made by the Privy Council on 5 September and sent to each Lord Lieutenant, which read ‘to cause the whole Militia of the said County to be put in a Readiness fit for immediate Service’.²³⁸ Newcastle, on 21 September, gave Lonsdale permission to raise the militia in Cumberland and Westmorland and he wrote to the deputy lieutenants informing them of this. Apparently, they ‘have proceeded in this service with great chearfulness’.²³⁹

One difficulty that Lonsdale anticipated that the Cumberland and Westmorland militia, if raised, face, as did the counterparts in the association, was a lack of weaponry. On 9 September he told Newcastle, ‘The arms are extremely bad and it is impossible to gain new ones in so short a time as they shall probably have.’²⁴⁰ A survey of their weapons showed that of the 282 men, 57 lacked swords, seven lacked muskets, 14 did not have bayonets, and 9 men were wholly unarmed. About half of the muskets were faulty and 72 of the swords were in a poor condition.²⁴¹ As with the associated companies, arms could be sent from London. Thomas Pattinson, Deputy Mayor of Carlisle, requested that they be sent, and they were.

However, it was not all bad news; at Carlisle, the castle commander, Colonel Durand, deemed the disposition of what militia forces there were to be very good. The difficulty was that there were insufficient men to stand a siege; 650 in all, mostly townsmen and militia, Durand later noting ‘These appearing to me too weak a garrison for town and castle’. He asked Lonsdale to have the counties’ other five companies of militia brought into Carlisle. The Lord Lieutenant was in Yorkshire during the crisis; on receipt of Durand’s letter, however, he wrote to the deputy lieutenants in the counties of Cumberland and Westmorland to send the militia where Durand desired.²⁴²

Yet, according to the Chancellor of the Cathedral, John Waugh,

the [county] militia officers came to our defence with great reluctance and stayed there from the first with great unwillingness and were constantly objecting to ill usage from the corporation who could not say that they did anything to oblige them.²⁴³

Apparently ‘The Westmorland company came very unwillingly’. Others were there ‘tho’ much against their inclinations or intentions’. However, some were ‘ready and willing to do their best service for the defence of the place’. It should also be noted that Durand ‘had no command over them’.²⁴⁴ Durand later noted, ‘The militia were out every morning at exercise’.²⁴⁵

There was a crisis for Lonsdale, however, after a month had passed and the militia were still in being. The men’s pay was nearly up. Some men left Carlisle to make their way home and others talked of following suit. Sir John Pennington, colonel of the militia, had the militia cavalry round up those who had left and brought them back to the city. The deputy lieutenants thought that they would be forced to disband them, but this ‘may be of ill consequence, and therefore we beg your lordships’ advice’.²⁴⁶ When he was approached for advice about what to do he wrote ‘I could advise them to do nothing contrary to law’.²⁴⁷ Newcastle urged him to do all he could. There was a meeting at Carlisle in which money was raised to pay the men to keep them in arms for longer. The bishop was present and he ‘said everything he could to engage them to keep up the Militia and had great influence among them’.²⁴⁸

Apart from such official forces, there were numerous others formed throughout England who were willing to come together against the Jacobites. Permission had to be sought in order to raise them. Both William Battie and Thomas Ridge in Hampshire wrote to Newcastle, concerned about the legality of what they proposed.²⁴⁹ Newcastle told Ridge that Bolton would give him the necessary authorisation.²⁵⁰

One such was that formed by Thomas Ridge of Hampshire, a 70-strong company ‘willing to venture their lives in the glorious cause of liberty and defending their country’.²⁵¹ Likewise a company formed at Winchester of, it was envisaged, 100 men, was to band together ‘to defend our lives and properties from all attempts upon the same during the continuance of this rebellion and threatened invasion’.²⁵² Similarly, the Sheffield Cutlers armed their journeymen weavers for ‘the Defence of their own Property and the Constitution of their Country’.²⁵³ William Battie wrote of similar sentiments, adding that ‘in these parts [Hampshire] there are a good many papists’.²⁵⁴

One of the best known of these units was the Yorkshire Royal Hunters. On 24 September a number of gentlemen wished to serve George II in a military capacity at their own expense. They also wanted to form into a cavalry troop. Major General James Oglethorpe (1696–1785) was their patron and he interceded with Newcastle to allow the force to call themselves the Royal Hunters.²⁵⁵ Newcastle agreed and wrote ‘They shall be distinguished by the name they desire, of His Majesty’s Regiment of Hunters’; he also suggested that Oglethorpe should be their colonel.²⁵⁶

Posters dated 26 September advertised that the volunteers should meet on 28 September. They would be serving at their own expense, thus ensuring the social exclusivity in the ranks.²⁵⁷

The Royal Hunters was composed of gentlemen and their servants; some of the former clearly being gentleman rankers, and there is no reference to who were the officers, if anyone.²⁵⁸ Otherwise, officers and men were clearly defined. Another elite unit was the York independent companies. Led by Colonel Pearson and trained by paid NCOs, the officers and men in the ranks were all volunteers and did not need to be paid; furthermore, all could afford to buy their own uniforms and arm themselves, so all were presumably men of substance.²⁵⁹ The Leeds independent companies were also described as being formed of gentlemen and merchants. The Leeds men were noted as being ‘either Heirs apparent to Great estates, or considerable merchants’.²⁶⁰ A company of gentlemen volunteers was also formed in Newcastle.²⁶¹

Many forces were made up of gentlemen officers with humbler men in the ranks, in a structure similar to the regular army. At Halifax, James Alderson and William Radcliffe commanded the 450 working clothiers, who ‘voluntarily enter’d themselves to bear arms and conform to military discipline for the defence of His Majesty’s person and Government’.²⁶² This also seems to have been the case with a number of units formed in Hampshire. Thomas Ridge enlisted his servants, ‘most of them being substantial housekeepers’, and enlisted 70 men.²⁶³ Sir Gregory Page ‘rais’d and cloathed, at his own expense’ 500 volunteers at Blackheath, Kent.²⁶⁴ William Battie of Havant wrote of ‘Several of the principal people of that town and adjacent parts told me that they are desirous and ready to arm themselves and such of the lower sort of people in that neighbourhood’.²⁶⁵ A unit formed in Winchester was composed of a number of affluent citizens and their servants.²⁶⁶ At Exeter, there was talk of the citizens planning to ‘arm themselves, their servants and dependents’.²⁶⁷ There was even an association comprised of nearly 1,000 Sussex smugglers to oppose any French invasion.²⁶⁸

In similar operations, the keelsmen of Newcastle formed an association in October to defend the King and government and were organised by one Mr Crawley²⁶⁹ and Sir Abraham Shard raised, uniformed and equipped 50 men of Southwark for a period of service for six months.²⁷⁰

Information as to how these units were uniformed is patchy. The gentlemen of the Yorkshire Hunters ‘were all dress’d in Blue, trimm’d with Scarlet, and Gold Buttons, Gold Lac’d Hats, light boots and saddles, etc.’ Their servants ‘were dress’d in Blue, with Brass Buttons’.²⁷¹ The men also wore green cockades in their hats and their banner was of green silk, embroidered with gold.²⁷² The Leeds independent volunteers were said to be wearing blue turned up with red, as per the county forces.²⁷³ The Newcastle gentlemen volunteers wore pink coats and had red cockades in their hats.²⁷⁴ It is not known how some were uniformed, such as the York independent companies nor those in Hampshire.

Regarding arms, again there was a wide variety employed. The cavalrymen of the Royal Hunters were armed as follows: The gentlemen carried ‘short Bullet Guns slung, Pistols of a moderate size and strong plain swords’; their servants, who made up the second and third ranks, had ‘short Guns and pistols, each with a Pole-Axe in his hand’.²⁷⁵ They, like some other forces, such as the independent Leeds companies, had their own arms and horses.²⁷⁶ The Sheffield’s Cutlers’ company paid to arm its own journeymen.²⁷⁷ There were also long delays before some were armed; the independent York volunteers were apparently only just fully armed by July 1746 and at least two of the Hampshire units had to wait some months.²⁷⁸

Training was often in the hands of former soldiers. This was probably the case with the independent York companies.²⁷⁹ It was reported that the volunteer corps raised at Pickering ‘meet twice a week, to exercise with their Guns under an experienced Soldier’.²⁸⁰ In Winchester, the men were ‘completely disciplined by a person in this city who was in the armie many years’.²⁸¹

The role of these forces was mostly confined to their locality. At Winchester, the unit was to be ready ‘at all hours of the day or night upon notice given by beat of drum’, meeting at the market house and ‘by force of arms to oppose all attempts made in this city and the suburbs… against the peace of the kingdom’.²⁸² The Havant volunteers were said to be useful in ‘disarming and keeping the papists and disaffected in these parts in awe’.²⁸³ There was talk in both Halifax and Leeds of the men marching out to either join the army as we shall see, but only one at this time did so. This exception was the Royal Hunters, for they rode to the nearest regular forces, joining Field Marshal George Wade’s army, which was gathering at Newcastle throughout late October, and arrived there ‘with a great show’ on 25 October.²⁸⁴ Much was hoped for from them, as a newspaper commented, ‘There is no doubt that this Regiment will do good service in case of Action’.²⁸⁵ Walpole wrote that they were envisaged as ‘to act as a flying squadron to harass the enemy… and to give intelligence’.²⁸⁶ Indeed, when Wade’s army began to march north from Newcastle on 3 November, the Royal Hunters were part of the vanguard, about a day’s march ahead of the main army, presumably with dragoons from that army. However, they only got as far as Morpeth before being ordered to return.²⁸⁷ We shall find out more about their work in the next two chapters, together with an assessment of it.

William Cranston made several references to such forces in London. On 15 October, he observed ‘a large number of militia marching in solemn pomp with drums beating and colours flying’. Three weeks later, he gave more details about their activity:

we have 200 men every night at 6 regularly mount guard at St. Dunstan’s vestry room, with detachments at the Barr and Fetter lane end, and no coach after 10 admitted to pass without stopping it, opening a door and examining into it with a link [torch]. I at last night saw at least 40 from the playhouse led into in that manner.²⁸⁸

John Collier (1685–1760) of Hastings added a few days later:

The City militia are constantly exercised and part do duty every night in several places: at six o’clock 199 march with beat of drum and fix their headquarters in St. Dunstan’s vestry room, from thence at ten a party of them are detached to take post at Temple Bar and relieved every two hours. They stand on each side of the way with their bayonets fixed, challenge every foot passenger and stop every coach and open the doors to see that no arms are concealed.²⁸⁹

It was noted that the London Trained Bands were exercising in drill and musketry in the Artillery Ground.²⁹⁰

The impact of these forces was limited. It was written of the Pickering force, for example, that ‘It is Justice to the Town to let the Country know this, I hope such an Example is not wanted to give spirit to other Places.’²⁹¹

There was discussion as to what these forces could do. Hardwicke wrote on 21 September, after urging men to ‘subscribe generously and be one of the first’ he added

I am not sanguine enough to expect a vast deal of military service from these Commissions, but however they will raise a spirit and zeal for the Government, and convince foreign Powers, that part of the Kingdom is not in that abominable way, in which Scotland has appear’d.²⁹²

The Northumberland Association was meant to ‘keep them together to be regularly exercised, and to attend when and where His majesty’s service may require, until the Present Trouble be quelled’.²⁹³

In the northernmost towns, Carlisle, Berwick and Newcastle, steps were taken to strengthen the physical defences. At Carlisle, a sharp lookout was kept on strangers and two men were arrested. Earthworks were erected and deal boxes brought onto the walls to keep the cannons dry. Coals and candles were provided for night watch, to keep the men warm as well as to help them see any enemies approaching the walls.²⁹⁴

At both Berwick upon Tweed and Newcastle, steps were taken to likewise strengthen the town’s defences. Berwick had the advantage of a garrison and a fortress, as did Carlisle, but this was rather more modern and less neglected. The town’s mayor, John Watson, as early as 10 September, had a loyal address sent to London, doubtless because of the proximity of the town to Scotland. He wrote to the Duke of Newcastle, ‘The town of Berwick… think it not unreasonable to give His Majesty the strongest assurances of their firm attachments to his person and government.’ He reminded him of ‘Our behaviour on a like occasion in 1715’.²⁹⁵

Watson also requested that the government give him permission to raise armed men to defend the town. He received such by 18 September and acknowledged it on this day. He then distributed officers’ commission for 15 companies, each of 15 men, to be formed. Watson told Newcastle that the volunteers were animated by a sense of loyalty to the King and were ready to defend their civil and religious rights.²⁹⁶

Doubts were raised about their effectiveness in the event of an assault on the town. Ephraim Nealson, whose brother was a captain in the force, wrote that they would ‘do all that an undisciplined militia can do’.²⁹⁷ However, as the days passed and no attack materialised, confidence grew. On 29 September, Nealson wrote ‘we were in condition to give them so warm a reception that they should repent their having come’.²⁹⁸ Cope was not so sure: ‘the townspeople (tho’ they are very zealous) I am afraid little is to be expected in case of attack’.²⁹⁹

Newcastle was a few days behind Berwick in responding to the unfolding crisis. It was on 19 September, just after the Jacobite army had occupied the city of Edinburgh, that the town’s mayor, Matthew Ridley, held a meeting at the Guildhall to discuss what to do. At this time he had no authorisation to call the militia out nor to raise men as Watson had. However, 5,000 men at the meeting put their hands to a document agreeing to do all they could to defend the town. In the meantime, all but three of the city’s gates were blocked up with stone that was two foot think.³⁰⁰ John Wesley applauded Ridley’s actions: ‘I would to God every Magistrate in the Land would copy after such as Example.’³⁰¹

Eight militia companies were formed in the town and the corporation ordered on 23 September that each militia captain be paid 40s per day as well as 15s daily for sustenance, so perhaps there were 40 men per company.³⁰² A private letter from the town alleged ‘We are absolutely resolved upon a vigorous Defence’.³⁰³

The town’s physical defences were also improved. 85 cannon to be manned by sailors were placed on the walls.³⁰⁴ Sentry boxes were put at intervals on the walls and sandbags hung over them. Palisades were erected. Parts of the river Tyne were palisaded to prevent an attack during low tide.³⁰⁵ Some old property outside the walls was demolished to provide a better field of fire for the gunners, and the owners compensated.³⁰⁶ Those living outside the walls were asked to render up their ladders, arms, picks and shovels lest these be commandeered by the Jacobite army and used against the town. The October fair was also cancelled.³⁰⁷

Physical defences were improved elsewhere. A contemporary historian wrote that at York,

The Lord Mayor and Aldermen, at the advice of Major General Oglethorpe, stopp’d up the posterns, repair’d the Walls, and made the sluced ready for overflowing the Country; Pallisadoes were also preparing, so that the City was very soon put into a good Posture of Defence.³⁰⁸

This was an exaggeration. The Lord Mayor, John Raper, the Recorder, Thomas Place, and the aldermen viewed the walls on or near 28 September in order to see what repairs were needed, so they could give the proper instructions for repair work.³⁰⁹ Raper agreed that they were in bad condition, but, as the history noted, consulted Oglethorpe and so ‘under his Direction they have been repaired as far as he thought they might be of some use against a straggling party’.³¹⁰ The chamberlains’ accounts read that on 5 October one Matthew Wharton was reimbursed £1 14s 9d for ‘workmen’s wages in paring the ramparts in several places’.³¹¹ Shortly afterwards, there was further work on the walls including taking stone from the old priory at Clementhorpe to do so.³¹²

There was the like work carried out at Hull. Cannon was taken from ships in the harbour to mount in the walls. Apparently, 3,000 people were employed in cleaning the ditches and dykes around the walls. Some were paid labourers, hired at a shilling a day, but some were volunteers and they were distinguished by wearing cockades in their hats. There was also a plan to flood the surrounding land by opening the sluice gates should the town be attacked.³¹³

Security measures were taken by the county quarter sessions, as they had done in 1715 and again these focussed largely on the Catholics. These had been prompted by the order from the Privy Council of 5 September, which ordered anti-Catholic legislation to be put into effect. This was, as the letter read ‘that they do, with the utmost Diligence, put the laws into execution against Papists, Reputed Papists and Non Jurors, being dangerous to Hs Majesty’s Government, and that they tender to them the said Oaths and Declarations’. The latter were that the said individual swore allegiance to George II and denied the Catholic tenet of transubstantiation. Failure to do so meant that their arms, except those deemed necessary for self-defence, and horses valued over £5 could be confiscated by the constables acting under the JPs’ directions. House arrest could also apply. Such instructions were sent to the Lords Lieutenant of all England’s counties.³¹⁴

In the case of Cumberland, Lonsdale sent a letter to Thomas Simpson, clerk of the peace, and wrote to the Westmorland JPs, to tell them of these instructions and order that they be carried out and let him know what transpired.³¹⁵ Lonsdale emphasised the importance of these to the JPs: ‘You must be so sensible of the great importance of this Service in this Conjuncture that I cannot doubt of your Vigilance herein.’³¹⁶ How much of this was put into practice is unclear, though a note from Lonsdale suggests that some action was taken, for on 26 October a list of Catholics in the county was drawn up at Appleby and those were summoned to take the oaths as required.³¹⁷

In Lancashire, a county with a high proportion of Catholics among the gentry there was a marked reluctance to act against them. Hoghton complained ‘one who was to put it into execution has refused and the other has made excuses’. Some of this reluctance was because they thought that following the letter of the law would drive Catholics into siding with the Jacobites and so would be counterproductive.³¹⁸ Yet the few surviving constables’ accounts from Lancashire suggest that ’some steps were taken, with the constable of Aughton recording spending £1 10s in ‘making search for arms and horses’, and his opposite number of Downholland recorded accompanying the High Constable in making searches of Catholic properties for arms and horses.³¹⁹

The Lieutenants also concerned themselves with fears as to Catholics within their jurisdictions. In Yorkshire, Irwin was certainly concerned, but on 6 September, professed that he was uncertain on how to act: ‘no instructions have come from above, how are we to conduct ourselves as to ye papists?’³²⁰ When he received his instructions from London he wrote to the riding’s JPs to have them pursue them. Yet he claimed he was not naturally a man who was fond of intolerance, ‘No man can have more personal tenderness for the Roman Catholics than myself, I have on all occasions hitherto shew’d it to them.’ However, given that a successful rebellion would lead to rule from France and the imposition of Catholicism, overthrow the King and the Law, all was at stake, so personal feelings must be laid aside and ‘in my poor opinion, no order against ye disaffected of all determinations can be too vigorous’.³²¹

On 10 October, Irwin told Newcastle that ‘Last week we were alarmed with a report that Lord Fairfax intended to rise and that he would be supported by most of his persuasion, but this happily proved not so.’ However, he was far from satisfied that there was no threat from that quarter. He continued to Newcastle,

I own that whatever profession they make, they don’t mean us well, for their underlings talk very impudently & if I am informed right, the Papists, those particularly in York, had rejoicings in private houses upon ye unfortunate affair of Cope.

Irwin would ensure that the JPs and others were vigilant to the Catholic danger, ‘as long as I stay in this part I shall keep a good look out at them and spirit up my neighbouring gentlemen to watch ym and to act with vigour against them if they see occasion’.³²² On hearing that the house of Sir Marmaduke Constable had received supplies, ‘I directed them to search it again and secure whatever they find’.³²³

Irwin was concerned that the laws were not being implemented in the west riding, so wrote to Malton with his concern,

I don’t hear that the orders in council are executed in any part of this populous riding… something ought to be done in them to prevent the bad consequences from those of the Romish persuasion… we that live amongst them know them.³²⁴

Herring, too, thought that Malton needed gingering up, writing ‘For God’s sake, my Lord, exert yourself.’³²⁵ Malton agreed, telling Irwin and Herring ‘I have directed those laws against the Roman Catholics to be put into immediate execution and hope Sir Conyers D’Arcy will do the same.’³²⁶

D’Arcy’s main action in this sphere was directed against Roger Strickland, a Yorkshire Catholic gentleman, whose brother Francis was one of Charles Stuart’s companions in Scotland. Strickland was arrested, his property searched and his papers examined. Strickland was ordered to be taken to London for further examination, but D’Arcy refused to sanction this because of Strickland’s age and poor health. However, he was required to make further investigations and monitor Strickland’s visitors.³²⁷

In Durham, Bowes ordered the Catholics to take the oaths but most did not.³²⁸ Therefore, he had his volunteers confiscate their horses and arms. Henry Widdrington wrote ‘All the horses and arms that were in my possession are now in the hands of George Bowes… excepting two hacks not worth five pounds each.’³²⁹ Bowes obtained nine horses and eleven guns. Ralph Brandling, another Catholic gentleman, was issued with a warrant to travel more than five miles from his house.³³⁰ Meanwhile, Hardwicke assured a Catholic gentleman, one Bedingfeld, that he would support and protect him from the effect of the penal laws.³³¹ Leniency was also the watchword in Staffordshire, for there Gower merely let it be known to the county’s Catholics that they should be quiet during the crisis.³³²

Only one corporate town seems to have implemented the anti-Catholic laws and that was York. On 11 October the city JPs ordered that all the city’s Catholics should ‘repair to their … respective dwellings and not to remove above five miles from there without licences according to law’. However, the JPs were not backward in granting licences to travel upon application; as 34 were subsequently issued up to July 1746. Some lasted for days and some for months; Dr Francis Drake (1696–1771) was given four during this period. Furthermore, York’s Catholics were also bound over to keep the peace on bail of £100 each and had to frequently come up before the JPs.³³³

Concern about Catholics also existed in the south of England. In Hampshire, orders were given to the constables of the hundreds of Bountisborough and Winchester to implement the recusancy laws.³³⁴ Catholic properties were searched for arms and on 16 October over 100 Catholics were summoned to swear the oaths against the Pope and in favour of George II and the Anglican Church.³³⁵. Some Catholics such as Lady Jerningham and Lady Wells and Edward Caryll Esq., were called upon to deliver their weapons if asked to do so, and the number of their horses was listed. Elsewhere, three Catholics were brought before the county quarter sessions in October 1745, for offending ‘against the well established laws and statutes of this realm’, which was seen as particularly worrying when a rebellion was ‘carrying on in favour of a Popish pretender’.³³⁶ When it was heard that a large quantity of arms were in a house in Worksop, causing concern to local people, the property was searched.³³⁷

As in 1715 Watch and Ward was brought into being in the west riding of Yorkshire following an order made on 10 October. Between four and twelve men were needed per borough, depending on the size of the place.³³⁸ Jessop wrote on 1 November, ‘They have begun to keep Watch & Ward in Holmfirth this day. They had begun in several Places before.’³³⁹

Some corporations were assisting the army’s movement towards the Jacobites. In September, Nottingham corporation reimbursed a man the sum of 18s for his cart and horses being used to take baggage belonging to Colonels Blakeney and Sowle from Nottingham to Loughborough. Another 9s was paid for more of the former’s baggage on the same route. John Gunthorpe, constable, impressed other transport from the end of the month until February and reimbursed the contractors £4 15s.³⁴⁰

There were a great number of sermons published in 1745 which focussed on the rebellion; far more than there had been in 1715, and this may reflect an increase in the printing presses over the subsequent three decades as well as greater support for the Hanoverian dynasty.

Zachary Suger and John Daville were York clergymen and on 29 September preached against the rebellion. They both had their sermons published and dedicated them to Herring, Suger referring to ‘His Grace’s noble Patriotism’.³⁴¹ These sermons were full of both negative and positive messages. As with any sermon, they were based around a verse from the Bible and the sermon took its message from that.

Anti-Catholicism was a major theme. Hardwicke informed Herring on 13 September, ‘I have always observed – that representing the pretender as coming (as the truth is) under a dependence upon French support; I say, stating this point, together with popery in a strong light, has always the most popular effect.’³⁴² The Rev. Richard Wavell of St. Maurice’s church, Winchester, wrote to a friend, ‘I design to sound popery in the people’s ears till they shall be sick of its very name.’ He also asked his friend to send him any anti-popish material that should come his way and enjoyed reading Henry Fielding’s satirical Jacobite Journal.³⁴³ The Rev. Edmund Pyle wrote to a fellow clergyman on 2 November, ‘Do you preach stoutly against Popery, as is the way now, every where?’³⁴⁴

The Rev. Thomas Anguish of St. Nicholas’ church in Deptford gave his congregation the prospect that Popery would ‘drench our streets in blood’.³⁴⁵ Benjamin Mills at Uxbridge held that the ‘Spirit of Popery’ meant blind submission, slavery, despotism and a corrupt clergy.³⁴⁶ William Webster at Ware, Hertfordshire, spoke of his need to ‘excite a just Abhorrence of Popery’, which was a threat to both civil and religious liberty.³⁴⁷ The Rev. Samuel Baker preached at York Minster on 5 November naturally focussed on the topic, reminding his audience the consequences of a successful rebellion by focussing on Catholic misdeeds of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, such as the martyrs of Mary’s reign and those killed in the St. Bartholomew’s Massacre in Paris in 1572. Then there were the Protestants murdered in Ireland in 1641 and those gaoled in reign of James II. These people were ‘Victims of Brutal, Barbarous, Inhuman Popery’.³⁴⁸

The Rev. George Read of Peover preached at Leek about the Jacobites. He said that Charles, the Pretender, had only a doubtful claim to the throne because of his grandfather’s dubious birth which could not now be resolved one way or the other. His only claim to the throne now would be due to conquest and so this had nothing to do with rights. He stated the Jacobite record to date, that they have oppressed, robbed and plundered, and the blood of faithful subjects spilt by them… honest people are alarm’d, and everything is threatened by their success’. Reference was made to ‘their hellish endeavours but a dangerous rebellion’ and of the ‘guilt and infatuation of the present rebellion’.³⁴⁹

There were uplifting messages, too. Zachary Suger talked up the virtues of George II, comparing him to Hezekiah, King of Judah in the Old Testament; a brave, benevolent and good monarch, ruling over a free people. Suger also likened Britain to Israel, a land flowing with milk and honey. He contrasted this with the Jacobites and their leaders, the latter likened to the Assyrian King Sennacherib, ruling a land of slaves and idolators; these ‘opposite characters of monarchs drawn by Scripture and their history bears so strong a Resemblance to the Present times’.³⁵⁰

Clergymen knew they had to act. The Rev. John Griffiths wrote ‘I think our all is at stake’ on 25 September and so vowed to ‘do my utmost in any other shape’. He had subscribed to both the Derbyshire and Yorkshire associations.³⁵¹ The Rev. John Dupont, vicar of Aysgarth, Yorkshire, later discussed his actions at this time. He was ill as the rebellion began so was initially unable to exert ‘myself in my parish and neighbourhood with the becoming zeal and activity, which… every true Protestant was obliged to express’. This was essential because of the need to ‘rouse the surprising inactivity of others’. His motivation was in part due to his ancestors, who had been Protestants living in France and so fled from ‘Popish Persecution’ and had later fought in the Nine Years War against France.³⁵²

Sermons by Dissenting clergy were similar. Jessop recorded that on 6 October Mr Shaw preached about Christ setting men free from bondage:

He shewed wherein Christian liberty did consist, principally in a freedom from sin, from the Ceremonial law, from the terror and condemnation of the law, from Ignorance and Superstition, from both religious & civil slavery, and he showed that popery was directly against liberty in all these Cases, gave reasons why we should make a vigorous stand against Popery and Slavery, and for liberty… The whole discourse was pertinent to the present occasion, and designed to animate us to stand for King & Country, against the rebels.

Two days later, another Dissenting minister, Mr Crofts, preached arguing ‘My Son then fear the Lord & the King & meddle not with them that are given to change’. On 27 October, Shaw preached ‘all against Popery &c.’³⁵³ The majority of sermons were not specific to the parish or even the locality in which they were preached. They contained generic themes that would be instantly recognisable to their audiences whether hearing them in the pews or reading them elsewhere.

Sermons were not the only clerical response to the rebellion, as has already been noted in Herring’s case. The other senior clergymen in the north of England, the bishops of Durham, Chester and Carlisle, were far less active than Herring. In part, this was because of their age (there was no retirement age for clergy at this time). George Fleming (1667–1747) was bishop of Carlisle and was 79 years old at the time. Waugh observed in 1747 he ‘had been long in a declining way’ and Waugh noted ‘he is so timorous he will propose nothing’. He wanted Waugh to attend meetings on his behalf. The loyal address that he should have spearheaded was dealt with by Waugh, who wrote ‘as the bishop could not attend the meeting, I was obliged to do it in his name’.³⁵⁴

Chandler’s age was doubly problematic because as with all Prince Bishops of Durham until the next century, he was also Lord Lieutenant of the county. His spirit was willing but his flesh was weak, as he wrote on 17 September, when his presence in Durham was requested: ‘I would to God I was able to go down, my Spirit is ready, but my Body jades under it.’³⁵⁵ Even writing became too much for him later, as his son Richard wrote on 2 November: ‘My father is too much afflicted with his old Distemper to write at present.’³⁵⁶ Some were unsympathetic, with Henry Vane writing ‘I shall not say anything of our Lord Lieutenant the Bishop, only, obvious to everyone, how unfit a Clergyman is for Head Office’.³⁵⁷ Chandler was all too aware of this and pleaded with Newcastle on 20 September, ‘But fearing for His Majesty’s Service my suffer by reason of my many Infirmities, I entreat your Lordship humbly to beseech His majesty in my name to appoint a fitter person to be his Lieutenant.’³⁵⁸ This did not happen.

However, he did write an open letter to his clergy, which also appeared in the press. He did so ‘to encourage and strengthen your parishioners in their loyalty and active obedience to his present majesty’. In common with many others, he stressed the dangers of Catholicism and France, as well as the blessings of the status quo. He also referred to the need to seek repentance and humility. Chandler recommended his flock to God’s care.³⁵⁹

Another active clergyman was Waugh. In 1747, he boasted to Newcastle of ‘the losses I sustained, the fatigues I underwent and the expenses I was put to was very great’.³⁶⁰ Waugh was also a JP and during a meeting in August 1745 of both Cumberland and Lowland Scottish JPs to discuss turnpike roads, he entered into an agreement with his colleagues to exchange information about the Jacobite army’s progress if the need arose.³⁶¹ Waugh certainly did as he had promised. He kept up a correspondence throughout September and October and into the beginning of the next month, sending letters to Newcastle. His chief informant was the mayor of Dumfries, whose first letter to be transmitted was on 14 September. Information sent included a ‘Melancholy Account’ of Prestonpans, Jacobite army movements and information from Edinburgh.³⁶² Waugh’s actions were pleasing to Newcastle, who wrote to him on 19 September: ‘His majesty received, in the most gracious manner, the seasonable mark of the loyalty and zeal, which you and the rest of these gentlemen, have shewn.’³⁶³

In Carlisle, Waugh worked with the new castle commander, telling Newcastle that ‘every civility and all the assistance in the power of me, or my friends, will be most cheerfully and readily offered to him’.³⁶⁴ Following Waugh’s lead and example, other city clergy helped in practical ways with the city defence. Some took up duty watching from the cathedral tower with telescopes for any Jacobite activity beyond the walls. Others took up arms and stood guard with the volunteers, acting as messengers and ADCs for Durand ‘with a coolness and resolution that became them’.³⁶⁵

Other clergymen assisted with the provision on information at this time. The Rev. Nicholas Gouge of Gilling was asked by Irwin to have Viscount Fairfax’s house searched, so Gouge sent men to do so.³⁶⁶ A York clergyman provided Irwin with information about suspiciously large quantities of provisions being transported between Catholic properties.³⁶⁷ Herring referred to ‘one Hodgson’, a clergyman and ‘a man of sense… he rode with the pistols in 1745’ and this was in reference to him being the chaplain for the Royal Hunters.³⁶⁸

Another prominent clergyman was John Wesley, who encouraged the secular authorities to curb local immorality, for ‘the continual cursing and swearing… must needs be a torture to the sober ear’. Only by such behaviour ceasing would God restore his favour to Britain and so end the rebellion. He also offered his help in a practical way by suggesting that his house just outside Newcastle’s walls could be demolished in part or whole if it would obstruct the defence of the city. He even had a pamphlet published, A Word in Season, or Advice to an Englishman.³⁶⁹

Secular shows of loyalty also occurred. The newspapers carried a great deal of loyalist material throughout, which had been less evident in 1715–1716. It even led to new newspapers emerging. One such was The York Journal, which first appeared in October 1745. Its publisher, John Gilfillan, claimed that his newspaper was ‘being entirely circulated for the service of the King and Church he hoped it would meet with the encouragement from all who wished well to the present happy establishment in Church and State’.³⁷⁰ Herring certainly thought so, writing ‘The poor man is a mere honest creature, just set up to keep the Whig interest in countenance’.³⁷¹ The press also saw the crisis as a non-partisan issue, The York Courant stating in October 1745, ‘This is not the cause of a Party… The Whole is in danger, lose not a moment in arming yourselves for their Preservation.’³⁷²

The press carried, therefore, numerous pieces which were hostile to the Jacobite cause. One referred to the furious zeal of the priests among the Jacobite army and to Cope’s disposition of his army at Prestonpans as being ‘truly good and military’.³⁷³ The Newcastle Journal printed anti-Jacobite diatribes, such as ‘The Pope’s dreadful curse’ and a further article reminded readers of Catholic massacres of Protestants in previous centuries in Britain and beyond.³⁷⁴ In early November, the nation’s key hope was Marshal Wade’s army based at Newcastle and so a newspaper urged ‘Go trusty Wade, the war important wage/And execute the Nations Virtuous Rage’ and later referred to ‘volleys of Wade’s thunder’. The same edition reprinted from the London press a celebratory ode written for George II’s birthday, part of which read ‘Upon His Majesty’s Return/Now George returns… our Faith’s defender/We fear not Old or Young Pretender.’³⁷⁵

The Gentleman’s Magazine, a monthly periodical, published at the end of each month, included a number of verses, either original or reprinted, that sought to stir up readers against the rebellion. An early example was ‘The Pope’s dreadful Curse’ in September. It was helpfully observed that ‘The publication of this is to show what is expected from the pope if he became supreme head of the Church in this nation’. Other poetical essays published in the same issue attacked the Jacobites. One said that Charles claimed he would defend liberty and faith but the poem replied rhetorically, ‘Shall the client of Rome be religion’s defender?/Or your property France’s protection ensure?’ The Jacobite army was portrayed as ravagers of women and the plunderers of property. Mary’s and James II’s reigns were condemned for the Catholic policies pursued by these monarchs.³⁷⁶

Adverts were placed in the press for a variety of loyalist pamphlets. The York Courant advertised the following A Relation of the Barbarous and bloody… massacres of above 100,000 Protestants, about the St. Bartholomew’s day massacre in 1572. It also advertised The Young Pretender (Young Invader) and Popery and Slavery display’d, which retailed the killings of Protestants by Catholics in Bohemia, Genoa and elsewhere. These contained exaggerations and strong language, such as ‘The Church of Rome teaches barbarity and cruelty against all who received not their opinions and hereticks are delivered… to burn’.³⁷⁷

It was not all wholly negative. The rhetoric of liberty was employed, with a self-congratulatory piece published on 28 September, ‘What English heart is there that does not exalt at the glorious spirit of liberty that shines with so much considerable lustre among all our considerable merchants’, referring to their declaration to accept various forms of payment. Then there was the rhetorical ‘May the great and all powerful God inspire every one of us with a firm resolution to die in the field of battle rather than to live like a slave?’³⁷⁸

There was also the allegedly impartial ‘Calm Address to all parties in religion, whether Protestant or Catholic’. This contained much about the effects of a successful rebellion; returning colonial possessions to Spain and France, allowing cheap imports from France to flood the British markets, as well as political subservience to France. Even Catholics, it argued, could not hope for any solid advantages for change as they already enjoyed ‘free and undisturbed exercise of their religion as if they had obtained legal tolerance’.³⁷⁹

This was not mere rhetoric. The country’s leading Catholic peer, the Duke of Norfolk, arrived at court with his Duchess ‘and waited on His Majesty, to assure him of their firm Attachment to His Person and Family, and that they had no Hand, nor would have any in the Rebellion’. Sir William Gage and other Norfolk Catholics told the Duke of Grafton at Euston Hall of ‘their peaceable Disposition & c. at this Juncture’. The numerous Catholics in that county ‘have behaved very quietly’.³⁸⁰ As to de facto toleration, Defoe wrote this of the situation in Durham two decades previously, that they ‘live peaceably and disturb nobody; and no body them’.³⁸¹

Perhaps the most significant event among the welter of material in print was a new ‘Song for two voices. As sung at both playhouses’ which was first performed at Drury Lane in September.

God save Great George our King

Long live our noble King (repeat both lines)

God save the King,

Send him victorious, happy and Glorious (repeat both lines)

Long to reign over us,

God save the King (repeat both lines)

O Lord our God arise

Scatter his enemies

And make them fall;

Confound their politics

Frustrate their knavish tricks

On him our hopes we fix,

God save the King

Thy choicest gifts in store,

On George be pleased to pour,

Long may he reign,

May he defend our laws,

And ever give us cause,

To say with heart and voice,

God save the King.³⁸²

The response to this was immediate, as Marchioness Grey wrote,

I never saw anything more solemn (Considering the Occasion) nor more animating. These Things are of Great Use, I am sure, and send People home ten times more eager to preserve the blessings they enjoy… I was never more pleased nor touched in my life.³⁸³

Another loyalist example of journalism was Henry Fielding’s True Patriot, whose first issue was launched, appropriately, on 5 November. He called for calm in the face of adversity, ‘Cool and temperate Councils will be of singular use at this time, when the rashness of inconsiderate tho’ well meaning Men may do Injury to the Cause they desire to support with their All, and on which their All depends.’ He also assured his readers that ultimate victory was probable, ‘Let us however keep in our Remembrance that the odds are greatly on our side so greatly that nothing but Contempt, Neglect, the most absurd Folly or most abject Pusillamity can destroy us’.³⁸⁴

It should be noted that the press was not always so supportive of the monarchy and government in previous years. As one journal noted, ‘The pen which has often been drawn against the corruption, the mismanagement and the influence of office, is now resumed against the madness, the impiety and danger of civil rage.’ After all, ‘there is the same difference between opposition and rebellion, as there is between wholesome medicine and deadly poison’.³⁸⁵

The impact of the messages from press and pulpit are impossible to discern with accuracy, but there are indications that they created a very negative impression of the Jacobite Highlanders from elite to popular standpoints. Tucker wrote that ‘people say that the Rebels have cut them to pieces, giving no quarter’, as regards the British troops at Prestonpans, and similarly, a month later, wrote ‘They commit all kinds of Rapine and disorder for many miles round their camp… give many people great apprehensions’.³⁸⁶ When the Jacobite army arrived in Cumberland, John Murray of Broughton, Charles’ secretary related the following tale, ‘To shew how incredibly ignorant the Country People of England are, and industrious the friends of the government were to impose upon their ignorance and credulity.’ Charles and his staff were occupying a little house when they found a six-year-old girl hiding and her mother cried ‘for God’s sake to spare her Child, for she was the only remaining one of Seven she had bore’. The Jacobites enquired about this and she replied, ‘She had been assured from Creditable people that the highlanders were a Savage Sett of people and eat all the young Children.’³⁸⁷ Possibly the ‘Creditable people’ might have included the clergy.

The Newcastle Political Club discussed the rebellion at a meeting on 28 October and concluded that it was a ‘most notable and apparent injury to the Publick’. They also discussed whether an enquiry should be made into whether the ministry had been neglectful in allowing the crisis to develop, but decided that now, before it had been resolved, was not the time for such discussion. They reflected on the mild nature of the current administration and that even Catholics and Non Jurors were benefitting from that liberty which ensued.³⁸⁸

They were also in the forms of loyal addresses, again, as in 1715, but this time the text of the addresses were published in The London Gazette. Nottingham corporation, on 16 September, decided to emphasise, in the address,

concerning the rebellion in Scotland and on account of the taking of Cape Breton and also on account of the advancement of the Grand Duke of Tuscany to the Imperial Crown of Germany and for His Majesty’s return to Great Britain.³⁸⁹

The Hon. Charles Yorke was not very impressed by these, writing ‘For my own part I rely more upon the 20,000 [soldiers] now which the government has now got together for our defence, than all the best penned addresses which can be drawn’ and noted that both James II and Richard Cromwell had received them.³⁹⁰

It is always difficult to generalise about the response of the mass of the illiterate population because their actions are only known about by the comments of their literate social superiors. Some enrolled in the various volunteer and militia forces, as noted above. Others would have participated in public demonstrations of loyalty and heard loyalist sermons in church. However, whereas the eve of what would be the ‘Fifteen’ was marked by a spate of anti-government demonstrations, none such occurred in 1745.

In Yorkshire one action taken by the people was, in late September, when ship carpenters, armed with axes and cleavers, marched the two miles from Whitby to Egton to attack the Catholic chapel there. This was because they had heard rumours that the Catholics there, who made up 28 of the 140 families in the parish, had been rejoicing publicly over Cope’s defeat at Prestonpans. This was the first-known independent anti-Catholic action to occur in the north of England but, as we shall see, it was not to be the last. They were only restrained from physical violence by the intercession of their social superiors. Herring’s attitude was ambiguous, writing ‘If the JPs persist in their complaisance to the papists and not exercise the laws… I shall not be sorry if the common people take up arms.’³⁹¹

George II’s coronation was celebrated widely. On 11 October, the anniversary was celebrated in Newcastle thus: ‘the Morning was ushered in with the ringing of bells’. Militia in the town drilled until noon. Troops in the town fired volleys into the air on Sandhill. There were ‘loud huzzas from the populace’ and ship’s guns in the harbour were fired. There were bonfires in the streets that evening.³⁹² Church bells were rung in many churches throughout England; in Middlesex, those of Acton, Harrow and Hanworth did so on this day, on the birthday of the King and on 5 November.³⁹³

The King’s birthday was a major point for loyalists to celebrate. As a contemporary historian noted:

the Inhabitants of the Cities of London and Westminster, and all of the Cities, Towns and Corporations in the Kingdom distinguish’d themselves in the most extraordinary manner, in Expressions of Loyalty and Affection to his person and government, and at the same Time shew’d their Utter Detestation and Abhorrence of the Pretender, Popery and Arbitrary Power.³⁹⁴

Nottingham’s corporation ordered that there be a ‘Treat of the King’s friends tomorrow in the evening’ to celebrate the King’s birthday.³⁹⁵

One widely known event on this day was a popular anti-Jacobite demonstration in the populous dockyard town of Deptford in north west Kent. One account of it was as follows:

THE DEPTFORD PROCESSION

1. A Highlander, in his proper Dress, carrying on a Pole, a Pair of Wooden-Shoes, with this Motto The Newest Make from Paris.

2. A Jesuit, in his Proper Dress, carrying on the Point of a long flaming Sword, a Banner, with this Inscription in large Capitals, Inquisition, Flames and Damnation.

3. Two Capuchin Friars, properly shaved, habited and accoutred with Flogging-ropes, Beads, Crucifixes, &c. One of them bore on a high Pole, a Bell, Mass-Book and Candle, to curse the British Nation with: The other carrying a large Standard, with this Inscription,

Indulgences Cheap as Dirt.

· Murder-Nine-pence

· Adultery-Nine-pence half penny

· Reading the Bible-a Thousand Pounds

· Fornication – Four pence half penny Farthing

· Perjury-Nothing at all

· Rebellion-A Reward or Drawback of Three pence Half-penny, Scots Mony

4. The Pretender, with a Green Ribbon, Nosegay of Thistles; &c. riding upon an Ass; supported by a Frenchman on the Right, and a Spaniard on the Left; each dress’d to the Heighteth of the Newest Modes from Paris and Madrid.

5. The Pope, riding upon his Bull.

The procession was proceeded and closed with all sorts of Rough Musick; and, after a March round the Town, the Pope and the Pretender were in the evening committed to the Flames, according to Custom: But not till they had first been confessed, absolved and purged with Holy Water by the Jesuit. The several Actors played their Parts with great drollery and the only token of affection to popery was a liberal contribution to the boxes of the two begging friars… The whole was concluded with illuminations and fireworks and the song of God save the King^.396

This event was clearly particularly noteworthy as it was mentioned in a letter of William Cranston on 5 November and it led to similar activity in London; as Cranston noted: ‘I saw the Deptford procession of the pope and the pretender etc., repeated today in Cornhill.’³⁹⁷

There were similar scenes elsewhere. In Leeds in late September, crowds paraded the streets ‘to shew their abhorrence at the attempts of the invader’, carrying an effigy of Charles, shooting at it and then burning it ‘with great form and solemnity’. Wesley recorded similar activity there on 5 November.³⁹⁸ In Berwick, there was anger directed against the Scots in late September, ‘The inhabitants fell a cursing the whole, Scots Nation’ and would not allow any Scotsmen to stay within the walls.³⁹⁹ More genteelly, Miss Savile wrote, ‘The King’s Birthday observed in a most uncommon loyall manner; almost every house illuminated – mine among the rest.’⁴⁰⁰

5 November was another day for loyalists to rejoice. The parish of Rostherne in Cheshire paid to have their church bells ring and for money to have lighted candles on this day, costing 13s 10d.⁴⁰¹ Likewise at Middlewich in the same county, 14s 6d was spent on bell ringing on that day.⁴⁰² At Burghclere in Hampshire, only 4s was given to the ringers on this day.⁴⁰³ In the north-eastern parishes this was the most popular of all celebrations, with 75 per cent of all parishes for whom itemised accounts exist paying their bell ringers on this day.⁴⁰⁴

As time went by, and there was no descent from Scotland or France, some began to feel safer. The Jacobite army was encamped around Edinburgh and gave themselves time to receive new recruits from Scotland and to train and arm the men. But more so, 10 battalions of British infantry arrived from Flanders in and around London on 24 September and more followed. The bulk of these, along with eight battalions of Dutch and Swiss troops, were marched to Doncaster and then Newcastle under the command of the veteran Field Marshal George Wade (1673–1748). They were ensconced at the latter by the end of October and it was planned that they would march north to Scotland and defeat the Jacobite army there. Though, as we shall see, events took over.

James Greathead wrote that ‘the pannick that overran Northumberland, the bishoprick of Durham and Yorkshire was dispersed at the approach of the army’.⁴⁰⁵ T. Lennard Barrett wrote on 22 October: ‘One comfort you’ll have in Essex you’ll be so much further from danger.’⁴⁰⁶ Six days later, rather nearer to the Jacobite army than Essex, Mrs Dorothy Palmer of Broughton, Cumberland, wrote thus to her son:

As for us hear at Broughton and the towns about we are not so terrified about the Rebills marching this way, as we were some time gone, nor do we think the Rebels will attempt to take Carlisle should they come this way, the place being well provided with all things for a siege, and the inhabitants resolved to loose their lives before they surrender the town.⁴⁰⁷

However, she also rendered ‘our prayer to the all wise God to keep us all from the hands of these unnatural Highlanders’.⁴⁰⁸

Fielding, writing on 5 October to Dr Barker, was also feeling confident about the rebellion’s outcome:

I believe as Mr Wade says we must trust to the Troops for the Extirpation of the rebels, wch I doubt not they will be able to perform… My lord Chancellor and I are both of opinion that the Victory of Prince Charles (if true) will be of more service than disservice to the greater cause… People begin to be quieter in their Fears concerning the rebels as I would have you.⁴⁰⁹

There are other reasons for the ceasing of such panic. Herring remained in York, though was planning to take his seat in Parliament in October. When he announced his intention ‘I have had a sort of Remonstrance from the City here, that it will create some uneasiness… if my presence at Bishopsthorpe seems to support a spirit or preserve a Union… I will not stir.’⁴¹⁰ Certainly he could make himself useful where he was. Concerned that Jacobite propaganda was being sent to sympathisers in York, he ordered the city postmaster to open all letters from Edinburgh and agreed to justify the man’s actions.⁴¹¹ He also encouraged Malton to act against Catholics, writing to him on 30 September, ‘It is high time to keep an eye on the papists as they may be upon us before we are aware’; four days later, he reminded him again, asking him to ‘Forgive my Protestant terrors’.⁴¹² He was modest though, claiming ‘I little thought I should have been the subject of so much observation at this juncture, my meaning being only to discharge my duty in my proper sphere and station.’⁴¹³ Herring’s influence was noted as families moved into York and as a newspaper wrote ‘the exhortations of his Grace the Archbishop, the numerus appearances of nobility and gentry, at the late meeting, and the presence of Major General Oglethorpe’ was apparently the reason for this.⁴¹⁴ Apparently, ‘People of small fortunes seek their preservation in towns about’.⁴¹⁵

Troops were seen in the north-east as October progressed, as Wade’s forces marched to Doncaster and then on to Newcastle. The regular army was not always popular in peacetime, but in 1745, as well as in 1715, it seems to be, according to the comments made by soldiers and onlookers. Oglethorpe wrote that ‘The zeal and loyalty of all the people is… almost incredible… the middling people [invite] the soldiers to their houses.’ Oglethorpe claimed that other gentlemen invited officers into their homes.⁴¹⁶

Both officers and men were accommodated by civilians. Major General John Huske (c.1692–1761) wrote of Sir Henry Liddell, ‘who has shown me every great civility and has been of great service to me. His zeal is very great’.⁴¹⁷ General Thomas Wentworth (c.1693–1747) noted that Mr Rakes of Northallerton, not seen as a loyalist, but who offered up his own home as accommodation as well as promising a loan of ready money as the army needed it.⁴¹⁸ Generally, as Huske wrote, ‘all parties unite in the defence of the county, its much altered since I was here [Newcastle] in 1715’.⁴¹⁹

Wade certainly appreciated this, writing to Newcastle on 29 October, ‘The zeal of the country people of all Ranks contribute greatly to facilitate our motions’.⁴²⁰ Edwin Lascelles (1713–1795), an MP for Scarborough, described the reception as the army marched through Yorkshire, ‘We were receiv’d thro’ every town we went past with the greatest acclamations of joy… The old women prayed for us and the young ones wished us a safe return… Everybody’s countenance looks gay… an Yorkshireman and an honest man re synonymous terms.’⁴²¹ At Newcastle, the mayor and corporation claimed £350 of expenses in entertaining wade and his officers from October 1745 and other officials received sums for ‘their extraordinary troubles’ at this time.⁴²²

The army was assisted by the county authorities in other ways. They facilitated the movement of the army in the north of England. One way was in employing ‘labourers in… pulling down and Removing hedges in the road to Morpeth for the more commodious passing of His majesty’s Forces’.⁴²³ This was on the road to Morpeth on which the army was about to march. Horses and carts were needed to transport army baggage. Northumberland JPs advertised in the press for such.⁴²⁴ There was another appeal, ‘to all persons whatsoever… who regard the Publick Service’ for not only horses and carts, but also straw and coals.⁴²⁵

On 29 September, the Duke of Kingston was so confident that he wrote ‘We make now no doubt but that we shall be able to defeat all the wicked designs of the Pretender and his adherents.’⁴²⁶

Events were to change rapidly at the onset of November and they would put the inhabitants of the north of England and the Midlands to a far more severe test, greater even that that which had occurred in November 1715.

Notes

1. P.C. Yorke, ed., The life of Lord Chancellor Hardwicke, I (Cambridge University Press, 1913), pp. 435, 438–439, 443.

2. TNA, SP36/67, f.85r.

3. Ibid., ff.40v–r.

4. Ibid., f.94v.

5. Ibid., f.106r.

6. E. Hughes, ed., ‘Letters of Dean Spencer Cowper’, Surtees Society, 165 (1965), p. 48.

7. Gentleman’s Magazine, 15 (1745), p. 448.

8. John Marchant, History of the Present Rebellion (London: R. Walker, 1746), pp. 25–26.

9. Alan Saville, ed., ‘Secret Comment: The Diaries of Gertrude Savile, 1722–1757’, Thoroton Society (1997), p. 259.

10. Yorke, Hardwicke, I, pp. 443–444.

11. W.S. Lewis, ed., The Correspondence of Horace Walpole, 30: Walpole to various, 1739–1786 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1961), p. 94.

12. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.40r.

13. Marchant, History, pp. 27, 29.

14. Ibid., pp. 27–41.

15. Ibid., p. 42.

16. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, ff.51r, 45v.

17. Marchant, History, pp. 43–44.

18. Newcastle Journal, 353 11 June 1746.

19. Lewis, Correspondence, 19: Walpole to Mann, III, 1745–1748 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1955), pp. 106–107.

20. Ibid., p. 110.

21. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, ff.394, 41r.

22. Albert Hartshorne, ed., Memoirs of a Royal chaplain, 1729–1763 (John Lane: The Bodley Head, London and New York, 1906), p. 75.

23. Saville, ‘Secret Comment’, p. 259.

24. Yorke, Hardwicke, I, pp. 451–455.

25. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, ff.41r-42v.

26. Ibid., ff.47r, 48v.

27. WYAS, Leeds, NH2830/12.

28. Penny London Post, 376, 22–34 September 1745.

29. F.W. MacDonald, ed., The Journal of the Rev. John Wesley, I (London, 1906), p. 523.

30. BL. Add. Mss., 35598, f.43r.

31. TNA, SP36/67, f243r-252r.

32. Ibid., SP44/133, p. 142; SP36/68, f151r.

33. Ibid., SP36/69, ff105r, 270r.

34. Ibid., 70, f49r; CAS, Ca2/6, p. 191.

35. TNA, SP36/67, f.114r, 141r.

36. Ibid., f.124v.

37. Ibid., f.141r.

38. Jarvis, Jacobite Risings, p. 230.

39. TNA, SP36/68, f.184r.

40. Ibid., 67, f.199v–200v.

41. Ibid., 68, f.243r.

42. Ibid., f.54r.

43. Emily J. Climenson, ed., Elizabeth Montagu, 1720–1761, I (London: John Murray, 1906), I, p. 209.

44. TNA, SP36/67, f.254r.

45. Ibid., 68, f249r.

46. Ibid., f.232r–233v.

47. HMC Ancaster, p. 444.

48. BL. Add. Mss, 35598, f4747r–48r.

49. WYAS, Leeds, NP1547/16.

50. LLSL, Plan for defence of Yorkshire in 1745.

51. Devonshire Collection Archives, Chatsworth, CS1/163.99

52. Ibid., CS1/319.1

53. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.44v.

54. London Evening Post, 2791, 26 September 1745.

55. MacDonald, Journal, I, p. 524.

56. J. Brown, An Estimation of the Manners and Principles of the Times (London 1757), p. 91.

57. J.M. Gray, ed., ‘Memoirs of Sir John Clerk’, Scottish History Society, series 1, 13 (1892), p. 187.

58. TNA, SP36/70, f106r.

59. Penny London Post, 381, 7–9 October 1745.

60. Henri Talon, ed., Selections from the Papers and Journals of John Byrom (London, Rockliff, 1950), p. 225.

61. Miller, Hoghton Tower, p. 266.

62. CAS, Whitehaven, D/Pen.Acc.2689/10.

63. Doe, ‘Diary’, II, p. 552.

64. Lewis, Correspondence, 19, p. 117.

65. Lilian Dickins and Mary Stanton, eds., An Eighteenth Century Correspondence (London: John Murray, 1910), p. 117.

66. Bod. Lib. Donc. 107/2, f.128r.

67. Hartshorne, Memoirs of a Royal Chaplain, p. 75.

68. Climenson, Elizabeth Montagu, p. 205.

69. Saville, ‘Secret Comment’, pp. 259–260; Climenson, Elizabeth Montagu, I, p. 205.

70. Climenson, Elizabeth Montagu, I, p. 206.

71. Ibid., p. 207.

72. Ibid., p. 214.

73. Saville, ‘Secret Comment’, p. 260.

74. Ibid., pp. 260, 352, 261.

75. W. Brocksbank and F. Kenworthy, eds., ‘Diary of Richard Kay, 1716–1751’, Chetham Society, 3^rd series, Vol. 15 (1968), p. 101.

76. Saville, ‘Secret Comment’, pp. 260–261.

77. Yorke, Hardwicke, I, p. 463.

78. BL. Add. Mss.35598, f.88v.

79. NRO, Malton to Fitzwilliam, 9 October 1745.

80. WYAS, Leeds, NH2830/13.

81. Lewis, Correspondence, 19, pp. 125–126.

82. Bod. Lib. Donc. 107/2, f.133v.

83. TNA, SP36/68, f.247r.

84. Newcastle Journal, 337, 21 September 1745.

85. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.66r.

86. T. Herring, A Speech made by His Grace… (York, 1745).

87. Ibid.

88. Ibid.

89. Ibid.

90. Lewis, Correspondence, 19, p. 126.

91. Yorke, Hardwicke, I, p. 461.

92. Climenson, Elizabeth Montagu, I, p. 209.

93. Gentleman’s Magazine, 15, pp. 472–473; Derby Mercury, 4–11 October 1745.

94. TNA, SP36/69, f.233r.

95. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.50v, 58r.

96. SA, WWM2/235.

97. DCA, 216.2.

98. BL. Add. Mss., 35598, f.73r.

99. The York Courant, 1044, 15 October 1745.

100. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.76r.

101. HALS, D/EP f266.

102. TNA, SP36/69, f.224r; Reading Mercury and Oxford Gazette, 412, 28 September, 1745.

103. S. Markham, ed., John Loveday of Caversham: An Eighteenth Century Onlooker, 1711–1789 (Salisbury: Michael Russell, 1984), p. 360; Reading Mercury and Oxford Gazette, 28 October 1745.

104. TNA, SP36/70, f.213r.

105. Ibid., f.119r.

106. Samuel Boyse, An Impartial History of the Late Rebellion (Dublin: Edward and John Exshaw, 1748), p. 80.

107. Durham Dean and Chapter Library, Sharp Mss 150/15.

108. TNA, SP36/69, f.126r.

109. Gentleman’s Magazine, 15 (1745), pp. 499, 544.

110. TNA, SP36/70, f.113r.

111. Ibid., 71, f16r.

112. Ibid., 74, f.31r.

113. Ibid., 70, f.187v.

114. Ibid., f.113r.

115. Ibid., 74, f.31r.

116. Ibid., 70, ff.186r-187v.

117. Ibid., 69, f.34v.

118. HALS, D/EP f266.

119. HMC Ancaster, p. 444.

120. HALS, MIL3/1, 25.

121. Ibid., 1.

122. Ibid., 48.

123. Ibid., 23.

124. Ibid., 25.

125. Ibid., 26, 35.

126. London Evening Post, 2801, 17–19 October 1745; Newcastle Journal, 331 5 October 1745.

127. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, ff.60r, 73r.

128. Hampshire Record Office, List of Subscribers, 84M95/1

129. An Exact List of the Voluntary Subscribers (1747).

130. General Advertiser, 3579, 17 April 1746; DRO, DSt C1 3 187.

131. TNA, SP36/71, f213r.

132. HRO, 84M95/1.

133. York City Archives, E41B f.29; James Picton, ed., City of Liverpool: Municipal Archives and Records (Liverpool: Edward Howell, 1907), p. 110.

134. Kingston Upon Hull City Archives, WM/1.

135. W. J. Le Hardy, ed., Hertford Sessions Rolls, 1699–1830, VII (1931), pp. 575–583.

136. Boyse, Impartial History, p. 80.

137. London Evening Post, 2801, 7–9, November 1745.

138. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f. 70r.

139. SA, WWM2/263.

140. James Ray, Compleat History of the Rebellion (York, 1749), p. 106.

141. St. James’ Evening Post, 5561, 507 September 1745; London Evening Post, 2797, 8–10 October 1745.

142. C.E. Whiting, ed., ‘Two Yorkshire Diaries’, Yorkshire Archaeological Society Record Series, CXVII (1951), pp. 104–105.

143. BL. Northumberland Estates (Microfilm), 30, f50r.

144. London Evening Post, 3–5 October 1745.

145. Gentleman’s Magazine, 15 745), p. 554, York Journal, 57–61, 23 December 1746 – 20 January 1747.

146. Staffordshire Record Office, D798/3/1/1.

147. Brown, in Colley, Britons, p. 57.

148. HALS, D/EP f266; Le Hardy, Hertford Sessions Rolls, 1699–1830, pp. 575–583.

149. Brocksbank and Kenworthy, ‘Diary’, p. 101.

150. Doe, ‘Diary’, II, p. 552.

151. Whiting, ‘Two Yorkshire Diaries’, p. 104.

152. BIHR, Bp, B & P, XX1/1.

153. Ray, History, p. 130.

154. Oates and Katrina Kavickas, eds., ‘Jacobitism and Jacobinism: Two Eighteenth Century Lancashire Perspectives’, Record Society of Lancashire Cheshire, 142 (2006), pp. 18–22.

155. Jaimie Boulton, Staffordshire and the ’45, (University of Staffordshire BA, 2011).

156. TNA, SP36/69, f.20r.

157. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, ff.148v, 162v.

158. BIHR, Bp C & P, XXI/1.

159. TNA, SP36/78, f.178r.

160. John Metcalf, The Life of John Metcalf (York, 1795), p. 78.

161. YCA, E41B, pp. 11–14; York Poll Book (1741).

162. DCA, C5/A/2/.

163. Boulton, Staffordshire.

164. NRO, Malton–Fitzwilliam, 14 October 1745.

165. Edith Milner, ed., Records of the Lumleys (London: George Bell and Sons, 1904), p. 213.

166. BIHR, Bp, C & P, XXI/1.

167. Metcalf, Life, p. 78.

168. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.102v.

169. SA, WWM1/312, 296.

170. London Evening Post, 2794, October 1745.

171. G. Harris, The Life of Lord Chancellor Hardwicke, II (London, 1847), pp. 171–172.

172. Reading Mercury, 28 October 1745.

173. Ibid.

174. Metcalf, Life, pp. 77–78.

175. Andrew Cormack and Alan Jones, eds., ‘The Journals of Corporal Todd, 1745–1762’, Army Record Society (2001), p. 1.

176. TNA, SP36/71, f33r.

177. Ibid.

178. YCA, EB1b, p. 8.

179. DCA, CS1/319.3.

180. NYCRO, ZPB, 1446/1253.

181. YCA, E41B, p. 8.

182. The Manuscripts of the Hon. Frederick Lindley Wood (London, 1913), p. 154; WYAS Leeds, TN/PO3/3C/52.

183. YCA, 41B, pp. 8, 16a–b.

184. Anon, West Riding Account (1746); YCA, 41B, p. 10;

185. Metcalf, Life, p. 78.

186. TNA, SP36/67, f.199r.

187. DCA, CS1/319

188. YCA, E130, f.9.

189. Ibid., E41B, pp. 5, 16a.

190. Ibid., 21.

191. Ibid., 41b, pp. 22–23.

192. NYRO, MIC 1446.

193. WYAS, Leeds, TN/PC3/3C/11.

194. TNA, SP36/68, f167r.

195. Ibid., 69, ff.23r–24v; 69, ff.68r–69v.

196. Ibid., SP44/132, p. 413.

197. Ibid., SP36/69, f53r.

198. Ibid., SP44/132, p. 416; SP36/69, f.275r.

199. NRO, Malton–Fitzwilliam, 14 October.

200. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.98r.

201. TNA, SP36/72, f132r-133v.

202. Ibid., 163v, 167v, 170v.

203. Ibid., f.275r.

204. Picton, Municipal Records, p. 105.

205. TNA, SP44/132, p. 423; SP36/73, f.263r.

206. DCA, CS1/294.29.

207. Ibid., CS1/260.53.

208. Ibid., C6.

209. DCCL, Sharp 150, 24, 21; DRO, D/St/C1/3/186; DCCL, Sharp 109.

210. Newcastle Journal, 339, 5 October 1745.

211. TNA, SP36/68, 167r.

212. Ibid., 69, f.197r, 274r.

213. DRO, D/St/C1/3/186; Newcastle Journal, 338, 28 September 1745.

214. TNA, SP36/71, f.33r.

215. Ibid., 69, f.23r.

216. Ibid., 72, f.220r; 73, f363r.

217. BIHR, Bp, B & P, XX1/1.

218. Ibid., 4.

219. NRO, Malton to Fitzwilliam, 12 October 1745.

220. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.171v-172r.

221. BIHR, Bp, B & P XX1/1.

222. MMM, DX 594, f.2v.

223. YCA, EB1B, p16b.

224. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.140r.

225. YCA, E41B, p. 20.

226. Ibid.

227. MMM, DX 594, f.2v.

228. BL. Add. Mss., 35598, f.62r.

229. SA, WWM1/342.

230. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.63r.

231. Andrew Cormack, ‘The Noblemen’s Regiments’, Andrew Bamford, ed., Rebellious Scots to Crush (Solihull: Helion and Company, 2020), pp. 76–100.

232. Gentleman’s Magazine, 15, p. 513.

233. TNA, SP36/75, f.202r.

234. Ibid., 76, f.288r.

235. Royal Archives, Cumberland Papers (Main series), 12/353 (M).

236. HALS, D/EP, f.266.

237. J. Charles Cox, ed., Records of the Borough of Nottingham, II (1898), p. 486.

238. The Manuscripts of the Earl of Ancaster preserved at Grinsthorpe (1893), p. 444.

239. TNA, SP36/69, f.21v.

240. Ibid., f.20r.

241. Jarvis, Jacobite Risings, pp. 249–258.

242. G.E.C. Mounsey, Carlisle in 1745 (Carlisle, 1846), p. 72.

243. RA, CP MAIN/7/62 (M).

244. Mounsey, Carlisle, pp. 59–60, 63.

245. TNA, WO71/79, p. 292.

246. CAS Whitehaven, D/Pen.Acc.2689/14–15.

247. TNA, SP36/72, f.94r.

248. Mounsey, Carlisle, p. 22.

249. TNA, SP36/71, f243r; BL. Add. Mss. 32705, f.223r.

250. TNA, SP36/72, f.71r.

251. Ibid., 71, f243r.

252. HRO, W/K5/7. 7–9.

253. London Evening Post, 2794, 35 October 1745.

254. BL. Add. Mss. 32705, f.223r.

255. TNA, SP36/69, f8v.

256. Ibid., f.166v.

257. Ibid., f.172r.

258. London Evening Post, 2795, 3–5 October 1745.

259. Anon, History and Antiquities of York, I (York: A. Ward, 1785), pp. 352–353.

260. General Evening Post, 1876, 3–5 October 1745; General Advertiser, 3463, 5 December 1745.

261. Newcastle Courant, 2703, 5–12 October 1745.

262. London Evening Post, 2794, 1–3 October 1745.

263. TNA, SP36/71, f243r.

264. London Evening Post, 296, 8–10 October 1745.

265. BL. Add. Mss.32705, f.223r.

266. HRO, W/K5/7, 7–9.

267. TNA, SP36/70, f.119r.

268. Ibid., 70, f.38r.

269. London Evening Post, 2802, 19–22 October 1745.

270. General Advertiser, 3404, 5 October 1745.

271. London Evening Post, 2795, 3–5 October 1745.

272. Derby Mercury, XIV, 33, 1–8 November 1745.

273. General Evening Post, 1876, 3–5 October 1745.

274. Newcastle Courant, 2703, 5–12 October 1745.

275. London Evening Post, 2795, 3–5 October 1745.

276. General Evening Post, 1876, 3–5 October 1745.

277. London Evening Post, 2794, 1–3 October 1745.

278. The General Advertiser, 3657, 19 July 1746; TNA, SP44/133, pp. 15, 53.

279. Anon., History, I, pp. 352–353.

280. York Courant, 1044, 15 October 1745.

281. HRO, W/K5/7, 7–9.

282. Ibid.

283. BL. Add. Mss. 32709, f.285r.

284. London Evening Post, 2805, 26–29 October 1745.

285. Ibid., 2795, 3–5 October 1745.

286. Lewis, Correspondence, 19, p. 127.

287. Manchester Magazine, 461, 12 November 1745.

288. Richard Saville, ed., ‘The Letters of John Collier of Hastings, 1730–1746’, Sussex Record Society, 96 (2016), pp. 310, 312.

289. Ibid., p. 312.

290. Stamford Mercury, 17 October 1745.

291. York Courant, 1044, 15 October 1745.

292. Yorke, Hardwicke, I, p. 456.

293. Derby Mercury, 4–11 October 1745.

294. Mounsey, Carlisle, p. 59; TNA, SP36/70, ff82r–86v; CAS (Carlisle), Ca4/41.

295. TNA, SP36/67, ff.213r, 216r.

296. Ibid., 68, f.214r.

297. Ibid., 69, f241r.

298. Ibid.

299. Ibid., 70, f.92r

300. Ibid., 68, ff.186v-188v.

301. MacDonald, Journal, I, p. 524.

302. TWAS, 589/14, pp. 45–46.

303. London Evening Post, 2796, 5–8 October 1745.

304. MacDonald, Journal, I, p. 523.

305. London Evening Post, 2800, 15–18 October 1745.

306. TWAS, 589/14, p. 45.

307. SA, WWM1/314–315.

308. Marchant, History, p. 157.

309. YCA, E41B, p. 7.

310. SA, WWM1/375.

311. YCA, C37, p. 13a.

312. Ibid., E41b, p. 17.

313. Marchant, History, pp. 155–156.

314. Jarvis, Jacobite Risings, p. 223.

315. Ibid., 224–227.

316. Ibid.

317. CAS, Whitehaven, D/Penn.Acc.2689/16-17.

318. Miller, ‘Hoghton Tower’, p. 117, 120–121.

319. LRO, PR56, PR2956/2/1.

320. TNA, SP36/67, f.140v.

321. Ibid., 68, ff.55r-57r.

322. Ibid., 71, f31r.

323. Ibid., ff.241r-242v.

324. SA, WWM2/259.

325. Ibid., 265.

326. Ibid., 269.

327. TNA, SP36/70, f297r; 72, f1r, 162r.

328. DRO, D St/c1 3 186.

329. DCCL, Sharp, 150, 6.

330. Ibid., 23.

331. Yorke, Hardwicke, I, p. 462.

332. Boulton, Staffordshire.

333. YCA, F18, pp. 16a–35a, E41B, p. 84.

334. HRO, W/K5/7, 4–5.

335. Ibid.

336. Ibid., Q9/1/240.

337. TNA, SP36/69, f229r.

338. WYAS, Wakefield, QS10/19, pp. 227–228a.

339. Whiting, ‘Two Yorkshire Diaries’, p. 107.

340. Anon., Records of Nottingham, VI, pp. 196, 202–208.

341. Z. Suger, A Sermon preach’d at York… on Occasion of the Present rebellion in Scotland and intended Invasion by the French (York, 1745), preface; J. Daville, A Sermon preached at York…on Occasion of the Present Rebellion (York, 1745).

342. Yorke, Hardwicke, I, p. 450.

343. HRO, COPY605/116.

344. Pyle, Memoirs of a Royal Chaplain, p. 121.

345. T. Anguish, Allegiance and Support: A Debt to His Majesty (1745), p. 13.

346. B. Mills, Abuse of Mercies, aground of national judgements preached at Uxbridge…on occasion on which the Kingdom is threatened by Foreign and Domestic Enemies (London, 1746), p. 4.

347. Webster, A Seasonable antidote against popery, (London, 1746), p. 6.

348. Samuel Baker, A Sermon preach’d at the Cathedral Church of York (York, 1745), pp. 13–14, 16.

349. William Beamont, ‘Some Occurrences during the Rebellion of 1745 principally in Warrington and the neighbourhood’, Lancashire and Cheshire History Society, I (1849), p. 87.

350. Suger, A Sermon, pp. 8–9, 19–20.

351. Chatsworth House Archives, 324.0.

352. John Dupont, A Loyal Miscellany (London, 1751), p. xiii.

353. Whiting, ‘Two Yorkshire Diaries’, pp. 105, 106.

354. BL. Add. Mss. 32712, f.29r; Mounsey, Carlisle, pp. 22, 30.

355. DCL Sharp, MS150, 14.

356. Ibid., 16.

357. TNA, SP36/69, f.143r.

358. Ibid., f.184r.

359. Newcastle Courant, 2703, 5–12 October 1745.

360. BL. Add. Mss. 32712, f.29r.

361. Mounsey, Carlisle, p. 58.

362. TNA, SP36/68, ff.47r, 255r, 69, ff.108r, 272r, 70, f.352r, 73, f150r.

363. Ibid., 68, f.153r.

364. Ibid., 71, f.148r.

365. Mounsey, Carlisle, p. 62.

366. WYAS, Leeds, TN/PO3/3C/37.

367. TNA, SP36/71, ff.241r–242v.

368. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.244r.

369. MacDonald, Journal, I, pp. 526–528.

370. R. Davies, Memoirs of the York Press (London, 1868), p. 209.

371. BL. Add. Mss. 35889, f. 83r.

372. York Courant, 1043, 22 October 1745.

373. Ibid.

374. Newcastle Journal, 337, 21 September 1745.

375. Newcastle Courant, 2707, 2–9 November 1745.

376. Gentleman’s Magazine, 15, pp. 490, 493, 522–524.

377. York Courant, 1046, 29 October 1745.

378. Gentleman’s Magazine, 15, p. 534.

379. Ibid., pp. 541–544.

380. Marchant, History, pp. 69–70.

381. Rogers, Defoe, p. 534.

382. Gentleman’s Magazine, 15 (1745), p. 552.

383. Quoted from Smith, Georgian Monarchy, p. 234.

384. Cited in Rupert Jarvis, Collected Papers on the Jacobite Risings, II (Manchester University Press, 1971), p. 193.

385. Gentleman’s Magazine, 15, p. 545.

386. Bod. Lib. Donc.107/2, ff.128r, 147r.

387. Robert Fitzroy Bell, ed., ‘Memorials of John Murray of Broughton, 1740–1747’, Scottish History Society, 1^st series, 27 (1898). p. 239n.

388. Newcastle Gentleman’s Magazine (1747), p. 61.

389. Records of the Borough of Nottingham, VI, p. 195.

390. Yorke, Hardwicke, I, p. 458.

391. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.84r; SA, WWM2/265.

392. London Evening Post, 3414, 17 October 1745.

393. London Metropolitan Archives, DRO3/M2/1; DRO18/B1/1, VRO8/B1/1, DRO52/134.

394. Marchant, History, p. 155.

395. Records of the Borough of Nottingham, VI, p. 198.

396. The General Advertiser, 4 November 1745.

397. Saville, ‘Letters’, p. 312.

398. Penny London Morning Advertiser, 379 30 October–2 November 1745; MacDonald, Journal, 1, p. 536.

399. Caledonian Mercury, 3895, 29 September 1745.

400. Saville, ‘Secret Comment’, p. 261.

401. CRO, P47/8/1.

402. CRO, P13/22/2.

403. HRO, 148M82, /PW1, f.75r-76r.

404. Oates, Responses, p. 337.

405. WYAS, Leeds, NH2871/26.

406. Stanton and Dickins, eds., Eighteenth Century Correspondence, p. 117.

407. J.P. Dalton, ed., ‘Cumberland an the ’45: Some Letters’, Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society, 46 (1946), p. 108.

408. Ibid., p. 109.

409. Martin Battiestin and Clive Probyn, eds., The Correspondence of Henry and Sarah Fielding, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), p. 51.

410. BL.Add.Mss. 35598, f.88v.

411. Ibid., ff.84v–85r.

412. SA, WWM2/164, 273.

413. BL. Add. Mss. 35598, f.89v.

414. The London Evening Post, 2785, 30 September–5 October 1745.

415. BL. Add. Mss 47014a, f.83r.

416. TNA, SP36/72, f291r.

417. Nottingham University Library, Special Collections, Nec 1669.

418. Ibid., 1674.

419. Ibid., 1679.

420. TNA, SP36/72, f.339v.

421. BL. Add. Mss. 35889, f.14r.

422. TWAS, 589/14, pp. 50, 61.

423. NRO, QS08, p. 142, 153.

424. Newcastle Journal, 341, 19 October 1745.

425. Ibid., 342, 26 October 1745.

426. TNA, SP36/69, f.29r.