4
Commentary
Surrey’s last dispatch of the war was written on the Mary Rose as the returning fleet entered Poole harbour (42). The two small-scale raids he reported were specifically in reprisal for a French raid on Brighton, which had taken place a few weeks before, when peace negotiations were already in hand. Surrey (clearly) and Henry (probably) thought that had been a blow below the belt, hence the satisfaction which is clear from this letter.
At some point during July most of the ships engaged on active service, including the Mary Rose, were brought round to Deptford and decommissioned. This was a fairly comprehensive business, and was carried out under the supervision of a royal commission appointed for the purpose, in this case headed by Sir Henry Wyatt, the Master of the Jewel House (43). The rigging was dismantled, and the masts unshipped and handed over to John Hopton the Clerk Comptroller, for storage (presumably, although this is not stated) in the new storehouses recently built at Erith. Anchors, pulleys, and all the rest of the sailing equipment was similarly disposed of, including the contents of the galley. The ‘munitions and habiliments of war’, that is to say the hackbuts, bows, arrows, bills and body armour, were handed over to John Millet and Thomas Elderton, financial officials acting for the Ordnance Office, presumably for return to the Tower of London. Rather strangely, however, the guns were left on board, and were placed in the care of John Browne, at this point the master of the ship, and the purser, John Bryarley.
The guns were normally the first pieces of equipment to be unloaded, so this provision is somewhat mysterious. It seems unlikely that such valuable pieces would have been left for any length of time on board a ship which in other respects had been stripped bare. It may have been a transitional arrangement, because the appropriate officer was not available to receive them, or it may have meant that Browne and Bryarley were simply made responsible for the unloading and storage. What it also means, though, is that the master and purser remained on the payroll, and continued to be in some sense responsible for the ship, which would have been provided with a skeleton crew of ‘shipkeepers’, to guard against accident or misdemeanour while she was laid up.
The commissioners began their work on 27 July, but it was presumably 9 August by the time that they got around to the Mary Rose, which is listed eighth of the thirteen ships being decommissioned. The document reproduced here is the rigging inventory, which may be interpreted by consulting the Glossary (Appendix III). Accounts surviving from the period October 1517 to December 1521 suggest that for most of her time out of service, the ship was cared for by no more than five shipkeepers, exclusive of the master and purser. Wherever the anchorage was located, it appears not to have been satisfactory, because in June 1517 Hopton was contracted to excavate a new ‘wet dock’, or pond, at Deptford, at a cost of 600 marks (£466 13s 4d) (44). The intention was that five Great Ships, among which the Mary Rose is named, were to be kept afloat in that dock, rather than in an open roadstead. It was suggested a little later that ships anchored in the Thames or the Medway were liable to suffer damage from drifting ice during the winter, but whether this was the consideration behind this move or not, is not known. It appears that the project, like so much construction work, ran over budget, and Hopton probably considered himself very fortunate to be able to extract a further £400 from the Treasury in payment of a debt for which he was in theory liable himself. At first the pond clearly served its intended purpose, for the Mary Rose was there when she was pumped and caulked in October 1520 (45). Thereafter, however, it seems not to have been thought a success, and was later used not for anchoring ships but to store mast timber, which seems to have been kept wet in order to preserve it.
The Mary Rose was briefly back in commission when Henry mobilized nearly all his ‘prestige’ ships to escort him to his meeting with Francis I at the Field of the Cloth of Gold in June 1520. By the end of 1521 Henry was committed to a return to war against France in the summer of 1522, and the end of Hopton’s care and maintenance account in December of that year probably marks the point at which the Mary Rose began to be prepared once more for a full campaign.
A wrist guard (bracer) worn by an archer. This drawing shows more clearly than a photograph how this simple object was embellished with the royal arms and emblems. (Mary Rose Trust)
This walnut chest, recovered from the barber surgeon’s cabin, contains many of the items illustrated on p. 110. (Mary Rose Trust)
Documents
41. Lord Admiral Surrey to the Council, 14 June 1514.
My lords, pleaseth it you to understand that yesterday I la[nded] in Normandy 3 miles by West from Cherbourg, and so have burnt [4] miles West of my landing and 3 miles East hard to [the] walls of Cherbourg town and castle, and also more than [2] miles in to the land as far as any house might be seen fo[r] great woods, without leaving any [thing deleted] house unburnt that wa[s in] sight, abbeys and churches only reserved, whereby the country m[en] hath not only taken great hurt, but divers gentlemen [of] the country which hath their houses clean burnt, that were rig[ht] goodly houses well builded and stuffed with hangings and be[ds] of silk, of which neither they nor our men have little pr[ofit], for all or the more part was burnt. And when all was burnt that was in sight, we shipped all without loss of any one man. Also, pleaseth it your lordships to understand, because I would th[at] the burning of Preer John [Prégent de Bidoux] should be surely acquitted, the night before I landed I sent Wallop, Gonson, Sabyne and di[vers] other to the number of 700 men to land 30 miles by West [of] where I landed [which to land deleted], and as yet they be not returned, for they were so far on our lee that they shall not recover this place till night. And therefore I cannot certify your lordships as yet what they have done, but we might well see that t[hey bur]nt sore, for the smoke rose so sore in all that country that [we] lost sight of the high hills of the Hague, and my trust is [th]at they have done no less displeasure to the Frenchmen than we [wer]e done. And, my lords, I beseech you to help that the King’s grace [mi]ght write a thankful letter to the Vice-Admiral and all [the] captains of the army for their good demeanour in every c[ase. By] my faith, I never saw men of better will to serve their ma[ster. My] lords, I send unto you my servant Edward Bray, who can inf[orm more] of the matter of the towns, villages and houses [as h]e was one of them that had the order of burning. [My] lords, me think it were well done you sent unto Dover [and t]o Hastings to fortify themselves and to make good watch, [for if] and Prégent [intend to inserted] make any new business, in my mind he would [med]dle with one of those two places, for they be meet for his purpose; [an]d if he will give the adventure, I think he may sure[ly bur]n any of them without danger. And as shortly as any wi[nd wi]ll serve possible, I shall send six ships more into those parts to encounter with him. And thus Our Lord have you in his tuition. Scri[bbled in] the Mary Rose before Portland, the 14 day of June.
Yours, T. Surrey.
42. Surrey to the King, [14 June 1514].
Almost identical to the dispatch to the Council; written on the same day, but a few hours later as the returning fleet proceeded Eastward along the South Coast. In writing to the King, the Admiral refers specifically to the French raid on Brighton as the attack he had revenged.
Sir, pleaseth it your grace to understand that whereas I have [been] delayed for the accomplishing of your commandment to land and […] burn in France, as well some time with calm weather as a[t other] with contrarious winds and lack of victual, yet yesterday it [pleased] God to send such wind that I landed in Normandy three m[iles] from the castle of Cherbourg by West the same, and so have [I] burnt all the country 4 miles Westward from where I landed and 3 miles Eastward to the town walls of Cherbourg, and more than 2 miles in to the land, which is as goodly a cou[ntry] and as well builded for small towns and villages as I have seen in any country, and no [thing deleted] house left unburnt that mig[ht] be looked on save only Cherbourg, which is a marvellous strong town and castle. Also pleaseth it your grace to understand at the same time I landed I [sent deleted] caused Wallop, Gonson, Sa[byne] and divers others to the number of 700 men to land by [the] West of me 30 miles, which be not yet returned, and ther[efore I] can not certify your grace what they have done, but well we mig[ht s]ee they made such smoke in the country that within a while we lost sight of land by reason of the said smoke. And, Sir, I trust they have done no less hurt for their part than we have f[…] ours, and thus, Sir, I trust your grace be not in the French m[en’s deb]t for burning of late of Brighton. And because your grace should understand anything of this matter that it shall […] you to enquire of, I send to your grace my servant Edward [Bray], who was one of those that had the order of the burning, [who] can show your grace more than I can. Beseeching your grace [to wr]ite letters of thanks for their toward minds unto the best [so]rt of gentlemen that I have here the rule of, that […] my life to do your grace some service. And the Blessed Trinity send your [grace that your m]ost noble heart desireth. Scribbed before Poole, the […] hand of […].
Your most humble subject, [T. Surrey].
43. Rigging indenture, 9 August 1514.
This indenture made the 9th day of August the 6th year of the reign of our sovereign lord King Henry the VIIIth between Henry Wyatt, Andrew Windsor, knights, George Dalison and Thomas Chaworth, commissioners by our sovereign lord’s appointment to take the view of all such stuff, tackle and apparel as remained in our said sovereign lord’s ships the day above written on the one party, and John Hopton, overseer of the King’s ships on the other party, witnesseth that the said commissioners hath delivered to the said John Hopton the day of making hereof in the name of our said sovereign lord and to his use these parcels of stuff ensuing out of the Mary Rose. That is to say, first a mainmast, a main yard, 2 courses to the main sail, 2 bonnets to the same, 2 tacks, 2 sheets, 2 bowlines, a parrel, 2 trusses, 2 thrings, 2 brasses and a pair of ties, a winding halyard, 2 lifts, a gear, a stay, a ‘schyrwyn’, 26 shrouds, 26 iron chains with bolts pertaining to them, 8 swifting tackles, 8 polancres, 3 garlands. Item the main top, a topmast and a maintop yard, the parrel, a maintopsail, 2 bowlines, 2 sheets, 2 lifts, 2 brasses, a tie, a halyard and a stay, with 10 shrouds and a truss. Item the topgallant, a mast, a sail, a yard with the parrel, 2 bowlines, 2 sheets, 2 brasses, 2 lifts and a stay with 6 shrouds. Item the foremast, a yard, the parrel, a course with 3 bonnets, 2 tacks, 2 sheets, 2 bowlines, 2 lifts, 2 brasses, 2 trusses, 16 shrouds, 16 iron chains with their bolts, 4 pulleys, a stay, 2 ties, a halyard. Item the foretop, the topmast, a yard, a sail, 2 bowlines, 2 sheets, 2 lifts, 2 brasses, a tie, a halyard, a stay and a parrel. Item the bowsprit, a yard, a spritsail and a bonnet, a truss and a pair of lifts. The main mizzenmast and his yard, a parrel, the sail, a tie and a halyard, a truss, a sheet, 2 brasses, a lift, a stay, 12 shrouds and 12 iron chains with their bolts. Item the main mizzentopmast, a yard and parrel, his sail and truss, a lift and 8 shrouds. Item a bonaventure mast with the yard, his parrel, 2 sails, a tie, a halyard, a truss, a sheet, a stay, 8 shrouds. Item 4 shivers of brass to the halyard of the bonaventure mast, 4 shivers of brass to the main mizzen halyard, 4 shivers of brass in the tackle of starboard side, one shiver of brass for a garnet of the same side, 13 shivers of brass in the tackles of larboard side, 4 shivers of brass in the garnets of the same side, 3 shivers of brass for the lift pulley of the same side, one shiver of brass for the topsail sheet of the same, 2 shivers of brass in the knight, one shiver of brass in the ramshead, 3 shivers of brass in the lifts a-starboard side, one shiver of brass for the topsail sheet of the same side, 3 shivers of brass in the gear, 4 shivers of brass in the halyards of the foremast, one shiver of brass in the tackle of starboard side, 3 shivers of brass in the tackle of larboard side, 2 shivers of brass for the sheets of the sail, one shiver of brass for the tie of the spritsail, 2 shivers of brass for the main bowline pulley, 2 shivers of brass in the davit in the forecastle, one shiver of brass in the davit of the ‘destrelles’, one shiver of brass in the cat, 2 shivers of iron, one in the cat and another in the boat davit, 2 great shivers of brass, one small shiver of brass, 3 compasses, 3 running glasses, 2 sounding leads and 1 sounding lead of 40 fathom, 7 anchors, that is to say 2 sheet anchors, one starboard bower and a larboard bower [broken inserted], 2 ‘dystrelles’, a cagger, a new sheet of cables to the sheet anchor, a new sheet to the starboard bower, a new sheet to the larboard bower, 3 worn cables and 4 old junks, 2 lagging cables, 2 cat hooks, 2 fish hooks, 2 luff hooks and a leech hook, 6 warping halyards. Item a boat, a mast and sail and 20 oars. Item a cock, a mast and a sail and 6 oars.
A compass found in the pilot’s cabin. One of three recovered from the wreck, which are the oldest gimballed compasses from European sites. The bronze gimbal counteracts the motion of the ship. (Mary Rose Trust)
Log reel found on the upper deck. This was used with a chip and line to measure the distance a ship sailed within a certain time span. (Mary Rose Trust)
In witness whereof the parties abovesaid to these indentures have set their seals interchangeably the day and year abovesaid.
Andrew Windsor. Thomas Wyndham.
44. Agreement for construction of a dock at Deptford, 9 June 1517.
This indenture made the 9th day of June in the 9th year of the reign of our most dread sovereign lord King Henry the VIIIth between Thomas, Earl of Surrey, great Admiral of England, and John Heron, Treasurer of our said sovereign lord the King’s most honourable Chamber, for and in the name and by the commandment of our said sovereign lord the King on the one party, and John Hopton, Clerk Comptroller of the Ships of our said sovereign lord the King on the other party, witnesseth that it is covenanted, condescended and agreed between the said parties the day and year abovesaid of and for the making of a pond wherein certain ships of the same our sovereign lord hereafter expressed shall ride afloat. The same John Hopton knowledgeth and confesseth himself by these presents to have received and had of our said sovereign lord the King by the hands of the said Earl and John Heron the sum of six hundred marks sterlings in ready money of and for the full contentation and payment of the same pond, the which pond the foresaid John Hopton covenanteth, promiseth and granteth and him and his executors by these presents bindeth that he, his executors or assigns, at their own proper costs and expenses, before the feast of Christmas next coming after the date of these indentures, shall well, surely, sufficiently and substantially cause to be made and cast in a meadow next adjoining unto the storehouse of our said sovereign lord at Deptford Strond, at the West end of the said storehouse, a good and able pond, wherein shall ride at all times on-float these ships ensuing, that is to say the Great Galley, the Mary Rose, the Peter Pomegranate, the Great Bark and the Lesser Bark. And also the said John Hopton covenanteth and granteth by these presents that he, his executors or assigns, at their like costs and charges before the same feast, shall well and substantially make or cause to be made a good, able and sufficient head for the same pond, and also certain able sluices through the which the water may have entry and course into the foresaid pond, as well at spring tides as at neap tides. Moreover the foresaid John Hopton covenanteth and granteth by these presents that he, his executors or assigns, at their own proper costs and expenses before the foresaid feast, shall well and sufficiently enclose all the same pond with good, able and sufficient pale of timber of oak, of the scantillon in thickness of one inch of assize every board thereof, and that the same pale shall contain in height seven foot of assize. Provided alway that if the said five ships cannot be conveyed and brought into the same pond and there to ride on-float as is aforesaid, then the foresaid John Hopton covenanteth, promiseth and granteth and him and his executors by these presents bindeth well and truly to restore and repay or do to be restored and repaid unto the said Earl and John Heron, their executors or assigns, the foresaid sum of six hundred marks sterlings unto the use of our said sovereign lord the King, without any delay in any wise. In witness whereof the parties aforesaid to these indentures sunderly have set their seals, given the day and year abovesaid.
Signed: John Hopton.
Endorsed: Delivered to John Hopton by the hands of his servant Saward the 3rd day of August in the 9th year of Henry VIII for the causes within written, four hundred pounds: £400. Per me Thomas Saward.
45. From expenses of shipping for and after the Field of the Cloth of Gold, 1520.
The Mary Rose had led a detachment of five ships to ‘scour the seas’ before taking part in the King’s crossing to Calais on 31 May. This extract from one of many accounts finds her later in the year back in the dock at Deptford, built three years before.
The book of the accounts of costs and charges done and made on the King’s ships for the transporting of the King and the Queen to Calais to the meeting of the French King, and from thence into England again, in the 12th year of Henry VIII.
Paid also by the said John Hopton the second day of October in the said 12th year to certain caulkers that wrought and caulked on the Mary Rose within the pond at Deptford, that is to say first paid to Rawlyn Talkyn for 3 days [and] half, at 6d the day – [18d deleted] 21d, and to John Colyns for 2 days – 12d. And to further of Deptford for 2 days – 8d. Paid also to 7 men that helped to pump the Mary Rose by the time of one day and a night – 2s 8d.